Podcasts de história

Richard Ewell

Richard Ewell

Criado na Virgínia e treinado em West Point, Richard Ewell renunciou aos EUA. Em julho daquele ano, foi promovido a major-general do Exército Confederado e serviu como subordinado de confiança de Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson durante a campanha deste último no Vale de Shenandoah. Ferido perto de Manassas em meados de 1862, ele se recuperou e lutou em Chancellorsville, após o qual recebeu o comando de um corpo do Exército da Virgínia do Norte. Após a derrota dos Confederados na Batalha de Gettysburg, Ewell foi criticado por sua hesitação em atacar as defesas da União em Cemetery Hill no primeiro dia de combate.

Richard Ewell: De West Point a Bull Run

Nascido em 1817 perto de Washington, DC e criado em uma fazenda no Condado de Prince William, Virgínia, Richard Ewell se formou na Academia Militar dos Estados Unidos em 1840. Durante a Guerra do México (1846-48), ele lutou com distinção nas batalhas em Contreras e Churubusco e ganhou uma promoção a capitão. Ewell renunciou à comissão do Exército dos EUA em 1861, depois que a Virgínia se separou da União. Depois de servir na Primeira Batalha de Bull Run (Manassas) naquele julho, ele foi promovido a major-general e se tornou um subordinado de confiança do general confederado Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson durante a campanha de Jackson no Vale Shenandoah em 1862.

Naquele verão, Ewell foi transferido junto com o resto dos homens de Jackson para ajudar a defender Richmond contra o avanço do General da União George McClellan e do Exército do Potomac nas Batalhas dos Sete Dias. Durante a segunda campanha de Manassas naquele agosto, ele teve um bom desempenho em Kettle Run, mas foi gravemente ferido em Groveton. Como resultado da lesão, a perna direita de Ewell teve que ser amputada acima do joelho.

Richard Ewell: Comandante do Corpo

Após vários meses de recuperação, Ewell voltou ao Exército da Virgínia do Norte (usando uma prótese de madeira) a tempo de servir em sua grande vitória na Batalha de Chancellorsville no final de abril e início de maio de 1863. Durante essa batalha, Jackson foi baleado acidentalmente por suas próprias tropas e mortalmente ferido. Em 23 de maio, o general Robert E. Lee promoveu Ewell a tenente-general e o colocou no comando do antigo corpo de Jackson. Quando Lee iniciou sua invasão do Vale do Shenandoah naquele junho, a corporação de Ewell teve um bom desempenho, capturando cerca de 3.500 soldados inimigos nas guarnições da União em Winchester e Martinsburg.

Em 1º de julho, enquanto as tropas de Lee avançavam pela Pensilvânia, Ewell marchou com seu 2º Corpo de exército para a pequena cidade de Gettysburg. No final da tarde, os confederados conseguiram colocar as tropas da União de volta em uma posição defensiva em Cemetery Hill. Lee então deu ordens discricionárias a Ewell para atacar a colina "se possível;" Ewell optou por não enviar suas tropas para a frente naquele primeiro dia. Esta decisão polêmica foi mais tarde apontada como um dos fatores na eventual derrota dos Confederados em Gettysburg. Ewell liderou o 2º Corpo de exército contra Cemetery Hill em 2 e 3 de julho, mas o atraso deu às tropas da União tempo para fortalecer suas defesas, e o ataque foi repelido com pesadas perdas confederadas.

Richard Ewell: Fim da Guerra

Depois de Gettysburg, Ewell liderou bem suas tropas durante a Batalha do Deserto no início de maio de 1864. Durante a Batalha de Spotsylvania Court House no final daquele mês, no entanto, a hesitação de Ewell frustrou Lee, que posteriormente libertou Ewell de seu comando e o substituiu por Jubal Early . Com a saúde debilitada devido ao estresse da campanha, Ewell foi enviado para ajudar na defesa confederada de Richmond.

Durante a retirada das forças de Lee daquela cidade no início de abril de 1865, as tropas da União cercaram e capturaram Ewell e seus homens em Sailor’s Creek. Ewell foi preso em Fort Warren, em Boston Harbor, pelo resto da guerra, e libertado no início de julho.

Após a Guerra Civil, Ewell se estabeleceu no Tennessee com sua esposa (e prima), Lizinka Campbell Brown, que cuidou dele até a saúde após a Segunda Corrida de Touros (Manassas) e com quem ele se casou em 1863. Ewell e sua esposa morreram vários dias separados uns dos outros em 1872.


Ewell, Richard Stoddert

Ewell, Richard Stoddert (1817 & # x20131872), general confederado. Nascido em Georgetown, D.C., Ewell foi criado na Virgínia. Em 1840, ele se formou em West Point décimo terceiro em uma classe de quarenta e dois anos e serviu na cavalaria durante e após a Guerra do México. Ele ingressou na Confederação em abril de 1861 e foi promovido a general de brigada. Como um major-general na Guerra Civil, Ewell comandou uma divisão durante a campanha de Shenandoah Valley de Jackson & # x201CStonewall & # x201D e derrotou as tropas da União em Cross Keys em junho de 1862. Um grave ferimento no joelho durante a Batalha de Groveton em agosto resultou na amputação de sua perna direita, mas ele voltou ao dever como tenente-general em maio de 1863. Após a morte de Jackson, Ewell assumiu seu II Corpo de exército, mas seu fracasso em atacar a posição da União em Cemetery Hill durante o primeiro dia da Batalha de Gettysburg levou a acusações de incompetência. & # x201COld Bald Head & # x201D subsequentemente lutou durante a campanha Wilderness to Petersburg, mas a saúde debilitada e os crescentes sentimentos sindicalistas de sua esposa culminaram em sua remoção do comando de campo em maio de 1864. Ele comandou as defesas de Richmond até ser capturado em Sayler's Creek em 6 de abril de 1865 Em liberdade condicional em julho de 1865, Ewell se estabeleceu na propriedade de sua esposa em Spring Hill, Tennessee, ambos morreram de pneumonia em janeiro de 1872.

Percy Hamlin, Old Bald Head, 1940.
Samuel J. Martin, The Road to Glory: Confederate General Richard S. Ewell, 1991.

Cite este artigo
Escolha um estilo abaixo e copie o texto para sua bibliografia.

John Whiteclay Chambers II "Ewell, Richard Stoddert." The Oxford Companion to American Military History. . Encyclopedia.com. 16 de junho de 2021 e lt https://www.encyclopedia.com & gt.

John Whiteclay Chambers II "Ewell, Richard Stoddert." The Oxford Companion to American Military History. . Encyclopedia.com. (16 de junho de 2021). https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/ewell-richard-stoddert

John Whiteclay Chambers II "Ewell, Richard Stoddert." The Oxford Companion to American Military History. . Recuperado em 16 de junho de 2021 em Encyclopedia.com: https://www.encyclopedia.com/history/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/ewell-richard-stoddert

Estilos de citação

A Encyclopedia.com oferece a capacidade de citar entradas e artigos de referência de acordo com estilos comuns da Modern Language Association (MLA), do Chicago Manual of Style e da American Psychological Association (APA).

Na ferramenta “Citar este artigo”, escolha um estilo para ver a aparência de todas as informações disponíveis quando formatadas de acordo com esse estilo. Em seguida, copie e cole o texto em sua bibliografia ou lista de obras citadas.


Guerra Civil Americana: Tenente General Richard Ewell

O neto do primeiro Secretário da Marinha dos Estados Unidos, Benjamin Stoddert, Richard Stoddert Ewell nasceu em Georgetown, DC em 8 de fevereiro de 1817. Criado nas proximidades de Manassas, VA por seus pais, Dr. Thomas e Elizabeth Ewell, ele recebeu sua inicial educação local antes de decidir embarcar na carreira militar. Candidatando-se a West Point, ele foi aceito e entrou na academia em 1836. Aluno acima da média, Ewell formou-se em 1840 e ficou em décimo terceiro lugar em uma classe de quarenta e dois. Comissionado como segundo-tenente, ele recebeu ordens para se juntar aos primeiros Dragoons dos EUA que operavam na fronteira. Neste papel, Ewell ajudou a escoltar trens de vagões de comerciantes e colonos nas trilhas de Santa Fé e Oregon, enquanto também aprendia seu ofício com luminares como o Coronel Stephen W. Kearny.

Richard Ewell - Guerra Mexicano-Americana:

Promovido a primeiro-tenente em 1845, Ewell permaneceu na fronteira até a eclosão da Guerra Mexicano-Americana no ano seguinte. Designado para o exército do Major General Winfield Scott em 1847, ele participou da campanha contra a Cidade do México. Servindo na companhia do Capitão Philip Kearny dos 1os Dragões, Ewell participou das operações contra Veracruz e Cerro Gordo. No final de agosto, Ewell recebeu uma promoção brevet a capitão por seu serviço heróico durante as batalhas de Contreras e Churubusco. Com o fim da guerra, ele retornou ao norte e serviu em Baltimore, MD. Promovido ao grau permanente de capitão em 1849, Ewell recebeu ordens para o Território do Novo México no ano seguinte. Lá ele conduziu operações contra os nativos americanos, bem como explorou a compra Gadsen recém-adquirida. Posteriormente, recebendo o comando do Forte Buchanan, Ewell pediu licença médica no final de 1860 e voltou para o leste em janeiro de 1861.

Richard Ewell - Começa a Guerra Civil:

Ewell estava se recuperando na Virgínia quando a Guerra Civil começou em abril de 1861. Com a secessão da Virgínia, ele resolveu deixar o Exército dos EUA e procurar emprego no serviço do sul. Renunciando formalmente em 7 de maio, Ewell aceitou uma nomeação como coronel da cavalaria no Exército Provisório da Virgínia. Em 31 de maio, ele foi ligeiramente ferido durante uma escaramuça com as forças da União perto de Fairfax Court House. Recuperando-se, Ewell aceitou uma comissão como general de brigada no Exército Confederado em 17 de junho. Dada uma brigada no General de Brigada P.G.T. Exército do Potomac de Beauregard, ele esteve presente na Primeira Batalha de Bull Run em 21 de julho, mas viu pouca ação porque seus homens foram encarregados de proteger Union Mills Ford. Promovido a major-general em 24 de janeiro de 1862, Ewell recebeu ordens mais tarde naquela primavera para assumir o comando de uma divisão do exército do major-general Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson no vale de Shenandoah.

Richard Ewell - Campanha no Vale e na Península:

Juntando-se a Jackson, Ewell desempenhou papéis importantes em uma série de vitórias surpreendentes sobre as forças superiores da União lideradas pelos Major Generais John C. Frémont, Nathaniel P. Banks e James Shields. Em junho, Jackson e Ewell partiram do Vale com ordens de se juntar ao exército do General Robert E. Lee na Península para um ataque ao Exército do Potomac do Major General George B. McClellan. Durante as Batalhas de Sete Dias resultantes, ele participou dos combates em Gaines 'Mill e Malvern Hill. Com McClellan contido na Península, Lee ordenou a Jackson que se mudasse para o norte para lidar com o recém-formado Exército da Virgínia. Avançando, Jackson e Ewell derrotaram uma força liderada por Banks em Cedar Mountain em 9 de agosto. No final do mês, eles enfrentaram Pope na Segunda Batalha de Manassas. Enquanto a luta se intensificava em 29 de agosto, Ewell teve sua perna esquerda estilhaçada por uma bala perto da Fazenda Brawner. Retirada do campo, a perna foi amputada abaixo do joelho.

Richard Ewell - Falha em Gettysburg:

Cuidando de sua prima, Lizinka Campbell Brown, Ewell levou dez meses para se recuperar da ferida. Durante este tempo, os dois desenvolveram um relacionamento amoroso e se casaram no final de maio de 1863. Voltando ao exército de Lee, que tinha acabado de obter uma vitória impressionante em Chancellorsville, Ewell foi promovido a tenente-general em 23 de maio. Como Jackson havia sido ferido na luta e posteriormente morreu, seu corpo foi dividido em dois. Enquanto Ewell recebia o comando do novo Segundo Corpo, o Tenente General A.P. Hill assumia o comando do recém-criado Terceiro Corpo. Quando Lee começou a se mover para o norte, Ewell capturou a guarnição da União em Winchester, VA antes de dirigir para a Pensilvânia. Os elementos principais de seu corpo estavam se aproximando da capital do estado de Harrisburg quando Lee ordenou que ele se mudasse para o sul para se concentrar em Gettysburg. Aproximando-se da cidade pelo norte em 1o de julho, os homens de Ewell oprimiram o XI Corpo de exército do major-general Oliver O. Howard e elementos do I Corpo de exército do general Abner Doubleday.

Quando as forças da União recuaram e se concentraram em Cemetery Hill, Lee enviou ordens a Ewell afirmando que ele deveria "carregar a colina ocupada pelo inimigo, se achasse praticável, mas evitar um confronto geral até a chegada das outras divisões de o Exército." Embora Ewell tivesse prosperado sob o comando de Jackson no início da guerra, seu sucesso veio quando seu superior emitiu ordens específicas e precisas. Essa abordagem ia contra o estilo de Lee, já que o comandante confederado normalmente emitia ordens discricionárias e confiava em seus subordinados para tomar a iniciativa. Isso funcionou bem com o corajoso Jackson e o comandante do Primeiro Corpo, o tenente-general James Longstreet, mas deixou Ewell em um dilema. Com seus homens cansados ​​e sem espaço para se reformar, ele pediu reforços da corporação de Hill. Este pedido foi recusado. Recebendo a notícia de que reforços da União estavam chegando em grande número em seu flanco esquerdo, Ewell decidiu não atacar. Ele foi apoiado nesta decisão por seus subordinados, incluindo o major-general Jubal Early.

Esta decisão, bem como a falha de Ewell em ocupar a colina de Culp, foram posteriormente severamente criticadas e responsabilizadas por causar a derrota dos confederados. Após a guerra, muitos argumentaram que Jackson não teria hesitado e teria capturado as duas colinas. Nos dois dias seguintes, os homens de Ewell montaram ataques contra o cemitério e a colina de Culp, mas sem sucesso, pois as tropas da União tiveram tempo de fortalecer suas posições. Na luta de 3 de julho, ele foi atingido na perna de pau e levemente ferido. Enquanto as forças confederadas recuavam para o sul após a derrota, Ewell foi ferido novamente perto de Kelly's Ford, VA. Embora Ewell tenha liderado o Segundo Corpo durante a Campanha de Bristoe naquele outono, ele mais tarde adoeceu e passou o comando para Early para a subsequente Campanha de Operação na Mina.

Richard Ewell - The Overland Campaign:

Com o início da Campanha Terrestre do Tenente General Ulysses S. Grant em maio de 1864, Ewell voltou ao seu comando e enfrentou as forças da União durante a Batalha do Deserto. Com um bom desempenho, ele manteve a linha no Campo de Saunders e mais tarde na batalha fez com que o Brigadeiro-General John B. Gordon montasse um ataque de flanco bem-sucedido contra o Union VI Corps. As ações de Ewell no deserto foram rapidamente compensadas vários dias depois, quando ele perdeu a compostura durante a Batalha de Spotsylvania Court House. Com a tarefa de defender o saliente Mule Shoe, seu corpo foi invadido em 12 de maio por um ataque maciço da União. Golpeando seus homens em retirada com sua espada, Ewell tentou desesperadamente fazer com que eles voltassem para a frente. Ao testemunhar esse comportamento, Lee intercedeu, repreendeu Ewell e assumiu o controle pessoal da situação. Mais tarde, Ewell retomou seu posto e lutou em um sangrento reconhecimento em vigor na Fazenda Harris em 19 de maio.

Movendo-se para o sul, para North Anna, o desempenho de Ewell continuou a sofrer. Acreditando que o comandante do Segundo Corpo de exército estivesse exausto e sofrendo com os ferimentos anteriores, Lee substituiu Ewell logo em seguida e o instruiu a assumir a supervisão das defesas de Richmond. Deste posto, ele apoiou as operações de Lee durante o Cerco de Petersburgo (9 de junho de 1864 a 2 de abril de 1865). Durante este período, as tropas de Ewell manejaram as trincheiras da cidade e derrotaram os esforços de diversão da União, como ataques em Deep Bottom e Chaffin's Farm. Com a queda de Petersburgo em 3 de abril, Ewell foi forçado a abandonar Richmond e as forças confederadas começaram a recuar para o oeste. Engajado em Sayler's Creek em 6 de abril pelas forças da União lideradas pelo major-general Philip Sheridan, Ewell e seus homens foram derrotados e ele foi capturado.

Richard Ewell - Vida Mais Tarde:

Transportado para Fort Warren em Boston Harbor, Ewell permaneceu um prisioneiro da União até julho de 1865. Libertado em liberdade condicional, ele se retirou para a fazenda de sua esposa perto de Spring Hill, TN. Um notável local, ele serviu nos conselhos de várias organizações comunitárias e também administrou uma plantação de algodão de sucesso no Mississippi. Contraindo pneumonia em janeiro de 1872, Ewell e sua esposa logo ficaram gravemente doentes. Lizinka morreu em 22 de janeiro e foi seguida pelo marido três dias depois. Ambos foram enterrados no Cemitério da Cidade Velha de Nashville.


LE Williams

No momento em que o amanhecer de 2 de julho chegou a Gettysburg, estava claro que os planos de Lee e # 8217 haviam dado errado. Uma de suas últimas ordens do dia anterior foi para o tenente-general Richard Ewell, o homem que havia sido promovido para substituir Thomas “Stonewall” Jackson como comandante do Exército da Virgínia do Norte e # 8217s II Corps. Por causa da imprecisão do pedido de Lee & # 8217, Ewell não o cumpriu - um erro que acredito que provavelmente contribuiu muito para os próximos dois dias de batalha.

“Se as palavras de comando não são claras e distintas, se as ordens não são totalmente compreendidas, a culpa é do general. Mas se suas ordens forem claras e os soldados desobedecerem, então a culpa é de seus oficiais. ”
& # 8211 Sun Tzu, A Arte da Guerra

Essa ordem era para Ewell enfrentar as forças da União de Culp & # 8217s Hill e assumir a colina "se possível". Essas duas últimas palavras fizeram toda a diferença - Ewell, seus homens cansados ​​de um dia de luta que valeu a pena, não acharam que subir a colina era praticável. Em vez disso, ele fez com que suas forças tomassem posições em frente ao morro, deixando o ataque para o dia seguinte - uma decisão que custaria muitas vidas.

Com as forças da União na colina poupadas de um ataque pelo corpo confederado maior, eles foram capazes de lançar defesas durante a noite - parte do que se tornou uma linha da União bem defendida indo de Culp & # 8217s Hill, ao longo de Cemetery Hill e Ridge até os dois Round Tops. A calmaria no ataque confederado permitiu ao Exército do Potomac construir uma rede defensiva que se dobraria em vários lugares nos próximos dois dias, mas nunca se quebraria.

Acima, tenho uma citação de Sun Tzu - não a mais conhecida de suas máximas, mas mesmo assim uma verdadeira. Indo pelas palavras do filósofo & # 8217s, a culpa pela falta de um ataque confederado é principalmente (se não completamente) de Robert E. Lee. O que torna este caso verdadeiramente estranho, entretanto, é que tal comando, incluindo o “se praticável” que provou parar o ataque, era típico dos comandos de Lee & # 8217s. Lembre-se, Lee era um cavalheiro sulista, falando com outros cavalheiros sulistas - ele sentiu que mais seria realizado com aquela frase, ao invés de uma ordem direta.

Além disso, essas ordens discricionárias não eram desconhecidas - os comandantes originais do corpo de Lee & # 8217s, James Longstreet e o falecido Jackson, foram capazes de receber ordens de Lee & # 8217s e executá-las com grande sucesso. Visto sob esta luz, é difícil não colocar a culpa em Ewell - e de fato, muitos o fazem. Visto sob este prisma, a segunda parte da máxima de Sun Tzu & # 8217s entraria em vigor aqui. Alguns levam a máxima de Sun Tzu & # 8217 a sério, mas vão ainda mais longe, colocando a culpa pela derrota dos confederados em Gettysburg nas interpretações de Ewell & # 8217s da ordem.

É um debate interessante e em que posso ver os dois lados. Acho que Lee poderia ter feito uma encomenda direta, mas também sei que esse não era seu estilo. Se Ewell não fosse tão novo nesse nível de comando, ele poderia ter entendido melhor que tal ordem era típica para o estilo de comando de Lee & # 8217 e executado melhor.

É uma pergunta que se adapta bem às minhas próprias linhas de pensamento. Se você se lembra, propus um cenário em que Jackson não foi morto em Chancellorsville alguns meses antes da campanha de Gettysburg. Como comandante do II Corpo de exército, teria sido Stonewall Jackson quem teria o comando de Lee - e entre os historiadores, há poucas dúvidas de que Jackson teria achado isso praticável.

Ele teria carregado a colina? É difícil dizer. As forças da União estavam certamente desmoralizadas - elas foram empurradas para trás o dia todo - mas os confederados também estavam um tanto desorganizados, o que era parte do raciocínio de Ewell. Dito isso, eu pude ver uma grande probabilidade de tal ataque ser bem-sucedido - o ímpeto confederado poderia facilmente tê-los levado até Culp & # 8217s Hill.

E com Jackson (ou Ewell, nesse caso) em Culp & # 8217s Hill, é altamente possível que a posição do Union fosse insustentável. Culp & # 8217s Hill era o ponto do chamado "Fishhook" - linha de terreno elevado de Meade & # 8217s que se mostrou inatacável - e com os confederados no controle dessas alturas, as posições da União em Cemetery Hill e Cemetery Ridge certamente seriam suscetíveis de flanco e ataques pela retaguarda. Lembre-se, neste momento, todo o Exército do Potomac (incluindo o General Meade) não estava no campo de batalha - até que a noite caiu em 1º de julho, os confederados tiveram superioridade numérica. A União poderia tentar manter as alturas e esperar por reforços, mas mais provavelmente, eles teriam se desengajado e recuado. Na verdade, uma das primeiras duas ordens de Meade ao assumir o comando do Exército do Potomac foi estabelecer uma linha defensiva sozinha em Big Pipe Creek, o que significa que eles já tinham uma posição de reserva estabelecida.

Dito isso, as discussões sobre o que poderia ter acontecido são, é claro, apenas especulação. Jackson foi obviamente morto em Chancellorsville, seu substituto, Ewell, não achou viável tomar Culp & # 8217s Hill, e dois dias de assaltos às posições da União foram infrutíferos. Quem é o culpado pelo fracasso? Essa é uma decisão difícil. Alguns dos subordinados de Ewell & # 8217s (mais notavelmente Jubal Early, um dos comandantes de divisão de Ewell & # 8217s), colocam a culpa em seu superior imediato em vez de Lee - um argumento muito mais fácil de fazer em retrospecto (especialmente porque Early foi aquele que aconselhou Ewell não para tentar tomar Culp & # 8217s Hill). A névoa da guerra tem esse nome por um bom motivo e, neste caso, conseguiu cegar Richard Ewell - em detrimento de seu exército e de sua causa.


Segunda batalha de Winchester: Richard Ewell assume o comando

14 de junho de 1863 foi um dia quente e nublado no norte da Virgínia. Uma leve brisa parecia indicar que havia chuva no ar. Mas seja qual for a possibilidade de mau tempo, o destino tinha dado uma mão decididamente boa para o recém-nomeado tenente-general da Confederação, Richard Stoddert Ewell, uma mão que, se jogada corretamente, poderia colocar o general aleijado no centro das atenções da glória sulista seu falecido e lamentado predecessor, o poderoso Stonewall Jackson.

Naquele dia, Ewell estava nos arredores da pequena cidade agrícola de Winchester, Va., Observando as fortificações de uma divisão federal sob o comando do major-general Robert Milroy e fazendo planos para um ataque ao amanhecer. A próxima batalha seria o primeiro teste real de Ewell como comandante de um corpo de exército inteiro, um teste que o & # 8216Old Bald Head, & # 8217 como seus homens o chamavam carinhosamente, precisava passar com louvor.

A iminente Segunda Batalha de Winchester não só seria a inauguração de Ewell como comandante de corpo, mas também marcaria o retorno pessoal do general de 46 anos. A batalha seria a primeira experiência de combate de Ewell desde que sofreu uma devastadora lesão na perna em Groveton, Virgínia, o prelúdio do Segundo Manassas, nove meses antes. Em Groveton, uma bala Minié quebrou o joelho direito de Ewell & # 8217s enquanto ele liderava um regimento em ação. A perna ferida exigiu amputação, deixando assim um dos comandantes de divisão mais capazes do Exército Confederado & # 8217 por quase um ano.

Muita coisa aconteceu durante a recuperação prolongada de Ewell & # 8217s. O Exército da Virgínia do Norte foi forçado a dispensar seus serviços em Second Manassas, Antietam, Fredericksburg e Chancellorsville. Na última batalha, a vitória notável de Robert E. Lee & # 8217 sobre o Exército do Potomac custou caro ao Sul quando o Tenente-General Thomas J. & # 8216Stonewall & # 8217 Jackson foi acidentalmente abatido por suas próprias tropas ao retornar de uma missão de reconhecimento. Jackson parecia estar se recuperando quando piorou e morreu de pneumonia em 10 de maio de 1863, oito dias depois de ser ferido. A morte de Jackson abriu um enorme buraco na cadeia de comando do Exército da Virgínia do Norte. Sua morte e os preparativos agora feitos para a invasão do Norte haviam aberto a porta da oportunidade para o ex-tenente de Stonewall & # 8217, Richard Ewell.

A ascensão de Ewell ao comandante do II Corpo de exército foi constante. Formado em West Point, o nativo de Georgetown (Distrito de Columbia) brilhou na Guerra do México e conquistou a capitania. Após essa guerra, ele foi transferido para a fronteira ocidental, onde comandou o 1º Dragão e entrou em ação como um guerreiro índio. Os homens de Ewell e # 8217 vieram a conhecê-lo como um lutador duro com um estranho senso de humor e uma tendência para praguejar como um marinheiro. Ele renunciou à sua comissão do Exército dos EUA no início da Guerra Civil para se juntar à Confederação, onde foi rapidamente promovido ao posto de tenente-coronel.

Ewell deu uma olhada estranha no campo de batalha. Ele tinha uma cabeça calva em forma de cúpula e um nariz comprido. Ele frequentemente inclinava a cabeça para o lado como um papagaio gigante. Ele falava com uma voz aguda com um ceceio e tendia a balbuciar quando excitado ou agitado. Em muitos aspectos, ele rivalizava com Jackson em excentricidades físicas, muitas vezes reclamando de dores de cabeça crônicas, acessos de insônia e indigestão, embora também fosse um excelente cozinheiro e gostasse das armadilhas da domesticidade. (Durante a campanha de Cedar Mountain, ele persuadiu várias crianças a brincar com ele por horas na varanda de uma casa.) Ewell também era conhecido como um bom soldado e era reconhecido como tal por seus superiores.

Jackson passou a confiar em Ewell durante sua ousada campanha no Vale de Shenandoah. Lá, Ewell caiu no papel de tenente de maior confiança de Jackson, embora Stonewall compartilhasse muito poucas informações até mesmo com seu subordinado mais próximo. Os modos secretos de Jackson & # 8217 e as ordens vagas frustraram Ewell, levando-o a proclamar seu comandante & # 8216 tão louco quanto uma lebre de março. & # 8217 Mais tarde, impressionado com as proezas militares de Jackson & # 8217, Ewell se retratou, declarando que & # 8216 [Jackson] tinha um método para sua loucura. & # 8217 Ewell continuou a lutar bem no Vale Shenandoah sob Jackson, então durante a campanha da Península nas batalhas em Gaines & # 8217 Mill e Malvern Hill, duas das Batalhas dos Sete Dias & # 8217. Ele foi promovido ao posto de major-general em janeiro de 1862 pelo papel que desempenhou nas Batalhas dos Sete Dias & # 8217. Um ano e meio depois, ele estava liderando o recém-reconstituído II Corpo de exército.

Após a morte de Jackson na primavera de 1863, foi tomada a decisão de converter o Exército da Virgínia do Norte de uma unidade de dois corpos em um grupo de três corpos mais administrável. O excelente desempenho de Ewell & # 8217s na campanha Valley e durante as Batalhas dos Sete Dias & # 8217 capturou a atenção favorável de seus superiores & # 8217. Seu nome logo liderou a lista de candidatos para ocupar o lugar de Jackson & # 8217s.

Ewell recebeu sua promoção a tenente-general em 23 de maio de 1863. Ele formalmente assumiu o comando das antigas divisões de Jackson em 1º de junho. O general de uma perna só encontrou suas tropas descansadas e prontas para lutar, embora Ewell estivesse tentando preencher o lugar de um gigante militar e uma lenda sulista, seus subordinados tinham a maior confiança em suas habilidades. O comandante de artilharia Sandy Pendleton escreveu sobre seu novo comandante, & # 8216Estou ansioso por grandes coisas dele e fico feliz em dizer que nossas tropas têm por ele muito do mesmo sentimento que tinham em relação ao General Jackson. & # 8217

Como comandante do II Corpo de exército, Ewell tinha quase 22.000 soldados divididos em três divisões à sua disposição. Jubal Early, um general fogoso e popular com uma barba grisalha, comandava uma divisão de cerca de 5.800 homens. O major-general Edward & # 8216Allegheny & # 8217 Johnson liderou a segunda divisão com uma força de aproximadamente 6.900, enquanto o major-general Robert Rodes chefiou a maior divisão do II Corpo de exército com cerca de 8.500 efetivos.

Ewell estava sob forte pressão como sucessor de Jackson e # 8217 para ter um bom desempenho contra o General Milroy em Winchester. De fato, a neutralização da divisão Milroy & # 8217s, estacionada como estava na foz do Vale do Shenandoah, foi um passo crucial no ambicioso plano de invasão de Lee & # 8217 para levar a guerra diretamente para o Norte.

A divisão Milroy & # 8217s & # 8211 uma força de 9.000 homens com 6.900 efetivos & # 8211 detinha a cidade estratégica de Winchester, com suas várias rodovias e ramal da ferrovia Baltimore & amp Ohio. A própria Winchester, uma pequena comunidade agrícola de cerca de 3.500 habitantes, ficava diretamente no caminho da rota de invasão proposta de Lee e # 8217 para o norte. Em Milroy, Ewell se viu diante de um oponente arrogante e teimoso que estava pronto e disposto a resistir e lutar. Embora instado por seus superiores a abandonar sua posição em Winchester, Milroy estava confiante de que poderia manter a vanguarda confederada por pelo menos cinco dias, o tempo suficiente para o alívio chegar.

O II Corpo de exército começou sua marcha para o norte em 4 de junho. Nove dias depois, as tropas chegaram nas proximidades de Winchester. Ewell despachou a divisão Rodes & # 8217 para Berryville para lidar com uma das brigadas destacadas de Milroy & # 8217s, uma força de cerca de 1.800. Ao mesmo tempo, ele manteve a divisão Early & # 8217s e Johnson & # 8217s, com uma força combinada de quase 13.000, sob seu comando direto para o confronto esperado com Milroy.

Na manhã de 13 de junho, as unidades de cavalaria avançada Ewell & # 8217s começaram a escaramuçar com os piquetes federais perto do rio Opequon, cinco milhas ao sul de Winchester. Os cavaleiros confederados rechaçaram os piquetes, permitindo que a força principal de Ewell retome sua marcha. Escaramuças, canhões e atiradores continuaram pelo resto do dia enquanto os confederados sentiam a posição de Milroy e # 8217s. Ewell passou o dia reunindo informações sobre o inimigo e o terreno em preparação para um ataque matinal.

Milroy poderia ter seguido o conselho de seus superiores & # 8217 após o anoitecer e escapado com sua divisão intacta em 13 de junho. Um corredor permaneceu aberto para o norte como uma rota de fuga, mas Milroy estava com vontade de lutar. Sua confiança resultou de julgar precipitadamente a escaramuça do dia & # 8217s como uma tentativa total de Ewell de tomar sua posição. Sua divisão havia resistido à tempestade do sul, ele raciocinou, e estava, portanto, preparada para conter um exército inteiro até que a ajuda chegasse. Enquanto os confederados trabalhavam durante a noite apertando o laço em torno das posições da União, Milroy generosamente lhes deu uma mão, escolhendo se manter firme. Não havia, informou ele a seus superiores, & # 8216nenhum vestígio de um acúmulo de forças rebeldes & # 8217 perto de Winchester.

Naquela noite, uma violenta tempestade atingiu o norte da Virgínia. Milroy tentou telegrafar seus superiores durante a tempestade com uma mensagem de sua intenção marcial: & # 8216Posso manter este lugar cinco dias se você puder me substituir nesse tempo. Eles vão me cercar, mas não podem tomar minha fortificação. & # 8217 No entanto, as linhas telegráficas foram interrompidas, cortadas pela tempestade ou pelo inimigo, e nenhuma mensagem desse tipo foi transmitida.

Ao amanhecer, Ewell estava acordado e observando as coisas por si mesmo. Ele não notou nenhuma tropa federal, exceto por uma série de fortificações a noroeste da cidade. Os confederados apelidaram a primeira das posições de Milroy & # 8217s, uma série de fortificações apoiadas em Apple Pie Ridge, o & # 8216West Fort. & # 8217 Novecentas jardas a leste do West Fort fica o & # 8216Flag Fort & # 8217 o principal Posição federal. Ao norte do Flag Fort ficava a terceira posição federal, apelidada de & # 8216Star Fort & # 8217 por seu layout geométrico. Ewell presumiu que o West Fort era a chave para a posição de Milroy & # 8217s. Se tomado, o terreno elevado do Forte Oeste dominaria a posição de Milroy & # 8217 no Forte da Bandeira, forçando-o a recuar.

Por volta dessa época, Early se encontrou com Ewell e propôs ocupar discretamente o terreno elevado nas proximidades de Little North Mountain, a oeste das defesas de Milroy & # 8217s em Apple Pie Ridge. Dessa posição, Early poderia explodir a artilharia federal no Fort West até o silêncio, então tomar o forte com uma onda de infantaria. Ewell gostou do plano do Early & # 8217s e imediatamente ordenou que o major-general entrasse em ação. O planejamento eficiente entre Ewell e Early marcou uma nova era no II Corpo de exército. When Jackson had been in charge, he rarely shared his plans and ideas with subordinates or asked their counsel. In conferring with Early, Ewell displayed an admirable strength undeveloped by his late commander.

The Confederates moved quickly. At 7:30 a.m., Early ordered two of his four brigades, under Brig. Gens. John B. Gordon and Harry T. Hays, to occupy Bower’s Hill southwest of Winchester and to provide a distraction for the remainder of the divisions’ march west. Hays and Gordon immediately got their troops underway and had the hill in their possession by 9 a.m. Two hours later, Gordon began feigning attacks north as Early withdrew Hays’ troops and began his march north by way of Cedar Creek Road.

Early’s attack column consisted of three brigades (Hays’, Brig. Gen. William Smith’s and Colonel Isaac Avery’s) for an estimated strength of 3,600 men. Twenty pieces of artillery under the command of Lt. Col. H.P. Jones provided additional support. Early used a local guide, James C. Baker, to help pick a path for the eight-mile-march.

While Early prepared to march, Milroy was busy himself. The Union commander was paranoid about a possible Confederate encore performance of the successful flanking tactics employed at Chancellorsville, and kept scanning his flanks through a pair of field glasses for any sign of a surprise attack. About 10 a.m., Milroy sent a scouting party under the command of Captain Charles B. Morgan to snoop around the high ground near Little North Mountain and locate any hidden Confederate troops. Morgan reached the area and found nothing. He returned to Milroy about 2 p.m. and gave a report of all clear. Morgan’s failure to detect Early’s approaching column may have been due to his failure to deploy flankers during his reconnaissance. Whatever its cause, the scouting failure gave Milroy a dangerously misguided sense of security.

By 4 p.m., Early’s force had reached its position without a hitch. His three brigades and artillery sat hidden behind a ridge within 1,000 yards of the West Fort. Early allowed his men an hour’s rest to catch their breath before making his presence known. Às 17 horas he ordered Jones to move his batteries into position and open fire. Jones rolled his pieces forward, positioning 12 guns in an orchard and eight in a nearby cornfield, and began dropping shells on the shocked Federal troops occupying the West Fort. The surprise was total. From the commanding general on down, Union troops scrambled for cover from the unexpected barrage.

On the receiving end of Jones’ attack were Company C of the 116th Ohio Infantry, under Captain Frederick Arkenroe Battery L of the 5th U.S. Artillery and the 110th Ohio Infantry, under Colonel J. Warren Keifer. Jones bombarded the West Fort for 45 minutes, effectively silencing Battery L’s guns. Fifteen minutes later, Early had Hays’ 1,500 Louisianians form battle lines, while holding Smith and Avery in reserve. Early gave the order and Hays’ brigade swept forward for the assault. Hays reached the Union breastworks and stormed them in a matter of minutes. The Ohio troops managed to fire three volleys at close quarters before retreating across the fields to the safety of the Flag Fort. The Confederates quickly took the West Fort and Battery L’s cannons, and shot down Captain Arkenroe in the process. Early ordered his reserves forward to help secure the position.

In the meantime, Ewell was observing Early’s assault from his position to the south through a pair of field glasses. The corps commander watched intently as Hays’ Cajun troops swept forward and mounted the West Fort parapets. Caught up in the excitement of the moment, Ewell thought he recognized Early leading the charge and began shouting encouragement. ‘Hurrah for the Louisiana boys!’ Ewell bellowed. ‘There’s Early. I hope the old fellow won’t be hurt.’

At that instant, Ewell’s aides heard a sickening thud as the general windmilled his arms to catch his balance. He had been hit square in the chest by a stray bullet. However, this time fortune smiled on Ewell–the bullet, fired from a distance, was too spent to penetrate the skin, giving him nothing more than a nasty bruise.

Back at the West Fort, Early finished securing the position and made the command decision that there was not enough daylight left for an assault on Milroy’s main defenses. Instead, Early ordered his troops to dig in and counted his relatively light losses󈞻 men killed or missing.

The loss of the West Fort placed Milroy in a precarious position. With the Confederates threatening the remainder of his defenses from the high ground of Apple Pie Ridge, Milroy suddenly changed his tune. He called a council of war around 10 p.m. and decided that Winchester could not be held 24 more hours, let alone four more days, as he had bragged earlier. He ordered his troops to evacuate to Martinsburg via the Martinsburg Turnpike. Wagons and artillery would be destroyed to prevent capture, while soldiers too wounded to walk would be left behind at the mercy of Ewell. The move was scheduled to get underway at 1 a.m.

Unknown to Milroy, his opponent had already divined Milroy’s exact plan of escape. About 8 p.m., Ewell finished studying his maps and reports and surmised that the only logical means of escape for Milroy would be to march to Stephenson’s Depot on the Martinsburg Turnpike. Once at the depot, the enemy had the option of heading on to Martinsburg or else proceeding to Harpers Ferry. Once again the rookie corps commander acted decisively. Ewell sent three brigades under Johnson, bolstered by two batteries of artillery, on a cross-country march to Stephenson’s Depot with orders to cut off Milroy. If Milroy didn’t retreat overnight and chose instead to make a stand at Winchester, Johnson would be within supporting distance of a second attack by Early.

Unfortunately for the Confederates, Johnson had difficulty organizing his troops in the darkness for a night march. In the resulting confusion, the Stonewall Brigade with its 1,400 men under Brig. Gen. James Walker was left behind. Thus, Johnson marched with the strength of two brigades (3,500) to stop a cornered enemy division from escaping.

Johnson headed his column for a bridge crossing the tracks of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad a half mile east of Stephenson’s Depot. The tracks ran parallel to the Martinsburg Turnpike and offered a strong position for battle. The two Confederate brigades and accompanying artillery reached the bridge at 3:30 a.m. on the morning of June 15. Johnson and his staff immediately rode forward to reconnoiter.

At approximately 4 a.m., Johnson’s party ran into Milroy’s advance guard, the 12th Pennsylvania Cavalry, at the intersection of the Martinsburg Turnpike and Charlestown Road near the depot. Small-arms fire was exchanged as Johnson beat a hasty retreat back to the main column to position his waiting troops. Johnson worked quickly, placing Brig. Gen. George Steuart’s brigade on the right of the Charlestown Road and part of Brig. Gen. F.T. Nicholls’ brigade (under the command of Colonel J. Williams) on the left. Johnson designated the remainder of Nicholls’ troops as his reserves. Two guns of Captain William Dement’s battery were placed directly on the bridge that crossed the railroad bed, while the rest of the guns were placed in the cover of a wooded area to the left of the road.

Milroy soon arrived on the scene and took charge of coordinating an assault on Johnson’s position. He ordered an immediate attack, which Steuart repulsed quite handily with volleys of rifle fire and little loss to his own men. Milroy ordered a second assault that too was easily driven back.

Growing desperate, Milroy attacked a third time, trying to envelop Johnson’s line. Milroy’s horse was shot out from under him during the repulse. The Federals’ last chance to escape intact as a division slipped away as Walker’s missing brigade arrived on the field at the most opportune moment. Johnson immediately threw the Stonewall Brigade and his reserves into a counterattack. Milroy’s troops broke and began surrendering en masse, their commander managing to escape with a few hundred cavalry. As the fight near Stephenson’s Depot drew to a close, Ewell sent a message to Rodes in Berryville to attempt to intercept Milroy’s fleeing troops, but to no avail.

Ewell’s victorious troops spent the remainder of June 15 reorganizing and counting their spoils. The Confederates had captured 3,358 prisoners, four 20-pounder Parrott guns, 17 3-inch guns and two 24-pounder howitzers. The 23 guns were Milroy’s entire cache of artillery. Ewell lost no more than 269 men (47 killed, 219 wounded and three missing in action) for his efforts. The II Corps completed its refitting and was ready to march on the morning of June 16.

In a Jacksonesque statement, Ewell called on his troops to ‘unite in returning thanks to our Heavenly Father for the signal success which has crowned the valor of this command.’ Chaplains were directed to hold religious services, ‘in acknowledgement of Divine Favor at such times as may be most convenient.’

In a salute to their late commander, the II Corps officially raised the Confederate flag over Milroy’s main defenses outside of Winchester and christened them Fort Jackson. As for their new commander, the rousing victory cemented Ewell’s place as a dependable and aggressive battlefield leader. In one efficient blow, Ewell had eliminated all Federal opposition in the Shenandoah Valley, cleared the path for Lee’s invasion and destroyed Milroy’s division as an effective fighting force for the remainder of the war. More than that, Ewell’s impressive victory gave hope to the South that Stonewall Jackson could be adequately replaced. A new star blazed in the Confederate sky.

This article was written by Dean M. Wells and published in the March 1997 issue of America’s Civil War revista.

Para mais artigos excelentes, certifique-se de se inscrever em America’s Civil War revista hoje!


Did Ewell Win the Day?

Ewell later sought to justify his decision, or lack of one, during the last few hours of daylight on July 1. “The enemy had fallen back to a commanding position known as Cemetery Hill, south of Gettysburg, and quickly showed a formidable front there. On entering the town, I received a message from the commanding general to attack this hill, if I could do so to advantage,” Ewell wrote. “I could not bring artillery to bear on it, and all the troops with me were jaded by twelve hours’ marching and fighting.”

Some still believe Ewell might have won the battle on the first day. Decades of analysis have shown that it was by no means a sure thing, particularly once the Union troops had rallied on Cemetery Hill. The best scenario might have been for Ewell to attack Cemetery Hill with just Rodes’ and Early’s divisions, and Ewell simply did not keep the offensive momentum going after the rout of the XI Corps.


Richard Stoddert Ewell, Confederate General

July 5, 1863. As the Army of Northern Virginia retreated south from its defeat at Gettysburg, Lieutenant General Richard Ewell was conferring with Robert E. Lee and James Longstreet when enemy artillery rounds began wreaking havoc with the slowly moving column. Enraged, Ewell begged his superior for permission to wheel his corps around and strike the Federal pursuers. Lee refused, however, insisting that now was not the time. And though he didn&rsquot voice it, there must have been another thought going through Lee&rsquos head at the moment: a wish that Ewell had felt this aggressive four days earlier, when it really mattered.

Such inconsistencies had once been unheard of in Dick Ewell. In the Shenandoah Valley, he had been Thomas &ldquoStonewall&rdquo Jackson&rsquos sturdy right hand, and he had gone on to inherit the Second Corps when Jackson fell. But that was the problem: Who could fill Stonewall&rsquos shoes? Someone had to do it, and Ewell was as good a choice as any. But it wasn&rsquot long before the inevitable comparisons began to be drawn&mdashnot least at Gettysburg, where many Southern men found themselves wondering aloud, &ldquoIf only Jackson were here &hellip&rdquo

Born in Washington, D.C., Ewell grew up in Virginia. His family was poor and his father was drunk, then dead. Ewell never really knew him. After his older brothers went off to make something of themselves, Ewell helped to run his mother&rsquos denuded household, becoming precisely the sort of honest, industrious fellow that had &ldquoWest Point bound&rdquo blazoned across his seamless brow. He graduated from the academy in 1840, a good student&mdashthough rough-hewn&mdashwho drew snickers with his lisp but impressed everyone with his unmistakable potential. What followed was a long, arduous affair with America&rsquos colorful Southwest, replete with Indian strife, otherworldly boredom, and intermittent droughts. During the Mexican War, he caught malaria and lost a brother to enemy fire. He was awarded a brevet to captain for his troubles. Life on the frontier suited him he earned respect from soldiers and fellow officers alike for his brusque, can-do manner and supplemented his income with shrewd speculations in cattle and silver mining. He was smart, mindful of the ladies, tough when he needed to be, and incorruptible. Such qualities made military careers in those days, and Ewell&rsquos was no exception.

With his bulging eyes, beaklike nose, and a habit of cocking his head to one side, it&rsquos no wonder so many people compared Richard Ewell&rsquos appearance to that of a bird.

Siding with his native Old Dominion at the outbreak of civil war, &ldquoOld Baldy,&rdquo as he quickly became known, was a Confederate asset&mdashan officer of dragoons with combat experience and plaudits from some of the most important soldiers in the country (the great Winfield Scott had commended Captain Ewell&rsquos ability during the Mexican War). Material like this was not lost on Southern authorities, but Ewell became the butt of war&rsquos bad joke at First Bull Run, where a confusion in orders rendered him and his brigade on the right flank while matters came to a decisive head on the left. It was a bad start, to be sure, and one for which poor Ewell drew no small amount of press attention.

But what do the papers know? It wasn&rsquot long before General Jackson was being sent west to the Shenandoah Valley, and Ewell went with him. There Ewell learned several things: first, that the nickname &ldquoStonewall&rdquo may have had more to do with Jackson&rsquos penchant for withholding information from those around him than any gift for standing firm against assault second, that this could be profoundly frustrating and third, that Jackson was either a genius or a lunatic. Ewell proved his worth by keeping up with Jackson&rsquos lightning pace, providing a tough, reliable counter to the latter&rsquos shamanistic excesses. Jackson was in charge, though, and that suited Ewell just fine with precise orders (when they were forthcoming), Ewell was in his element, comforted by the assurance that the greater course of things was somebody else&rsquos problem.

Ewell handled his division ably during the Seven Days&rsquo Battles, during which so many other Confederate leaders bungled, foundered, or&mdashin Jackson&rsquos case&mdashslept. The next campaign, however, witnessed the defining tragedy of his life. At the beginning of theSecond Battle of Bull Run, on August 28, 1862, Ewell was gravely wounded in his left leg during a hot fight near Groveton, Virginia. Rushed to a house several miles from the battlefield, the general was put under the saw the following day. The amputee&rsquos survival was in doubt for some time, as Ewell&rsquos health had never been very good since his malarial days before the war. But ensconced at Dunblane, the home of his cousin Jesse Ewell, Dick made a gradual and impressive comeback.

The question was: a comeback to what? Jubal Early had taken over his division and would probably retain the post. Besides, Early was a friend, and Ewell didn&rsquot cherish the prospect of testing their relationship. That some sort of place would be found for him, however, was not in doubt. Ewell was more than just one of the highest-ranking major generals in the Confederate army he also had a solid record as a dependable, assertive leader. He executed orders with flair and enthusiasm, and he fought with imagination. Indeed, he had come to be regarded as brilliant by many&mdashparticularly those who had witnessed firsthand his mental celerity on the battlefield, his mouth straining through a litany of profanities to clearly elucidate the visionary plans hatching beneath his shining pate. Old Baldy was colorful, popular, and deeply respected. Jackson himself, in a letter to Lee, admitted that he would gladly follow Ewell in a descent on Washington. That&rsquos no ordinary compliment.

Jackson&rsquos greatest effort on behalf of his old protégé, however, was a bit graver&mdashliterally. His death from wounds incurred at Chancellorsville inspired Lee to shake up the command structure of the Army of Northern Virginia. And to Dick Ewell went the vaunted Second Corps. This was natural after all, Ewell had been a central part of the Confederate martyr&rsquos most successful accomplishments. The decision was largely cheered by the officers and men. But was Ewell, scarred by such a savage battle wound, up to it?

Those who wondered had their answer soon enough. Nine months after receiving his wound, Old Baldy was back in action. And though he had lost a limb, he&rsquod gained a wife. Lizinka Campbell Brown was Ewell&rsquos first cousin, a widow whose first match had made her one of the wealthiest women in the South. A longtime recipient of Ewell&rsquos affections, Lizinka was a prize&mdasha prize, as he would eventually learn, that came with a price. But in the spring of 1863, exciting things were in the air. Fortified by the love of a good woman, General Ewell strapped on his wooden leg and headed out in search of his destiny. It was a propitious time to do so: The Army of Northern Virginia was ambling for Pennsylvania in the second of Lee&rsquos attempts to take the war to the enemy. And Ewell&rsquos Second Corps was slated to lead the way.

To many observers, the new corps commander looked sickly, frail, or worse. He mounted his horse with difficulty (one can hardly fault him) and the color always seemed absent from his face. The old flame remained, however, as Ewell proved soon enough. Charged with clearing the Federals out of northern Virginia to make way for Lee&rsquos invasion plans, Dick orchestrated a truly brilliant descent on Winchester, a Union stronghold, capturing well over three thousand of the enemy and routing the rest. It was a Federal disaster and Ewell&rsquos finest hour&mdashan elegantly simple plan that was cunningly conceived and thoroughly executed. The whole affair had been swift, neat, and merciless. From the privates in his corps to the newspapers in Richmond, everyone sang Ewell&rsquos praises.

Thus ensured of immortality, the general was on to Pennsylvania, the vanguard of an invading army in high spirits and encouraged by the real possibility of dealing a blow that could precipitate the war&rsquos conclusion. Ewell would find himself at a crossroads in history. And he would take the wrong road.

The Battle of Gettysburg was an accidental fracas that evolved, rather quickly, into a scramble for high ground. The first round went to Ewell&rsquos Confederates, who&mdashworking in concert with elements of A. P. Hill&rsquos corps&mdashfound the enemy, trounced him, and took the town (along with a horde of prisoners). But the beaten Federals weren&rsquot simply flying to the four winds instead, they made a fighting retreat south to the high ground that dominated Gettysburg and its environs. The prominence in question was Cemetery Hill, where the bluecoats commenced preparations to receive an assault that they were sure was coming fast.

And they weren&rsquot the only ones who had made this assumption. Indeed, an assault on the demoralized defenders of Cemetery Hill was taken as a virtual fact by men and officers on both sides. Ewell, however, wasn&rsquot so sure. To begin with, he had arrived in the area of Gettysburg with the standing injunction from Lee not to bring on a general engagement until the rest of the army had joined him. That had not yet happened. While Ewell was chewing this over, he received further instructions from Lee that seemed to give him permission to take the position if he thought it was prudent to do so (Lee made it clear that Ewell&rsquos corps would not receive any support in the action). But did Ewell have enough fresh men on hand? He wasn&rsquot at all sure. Nor was he sure whether the position on Cemetery Hill was being reinforced with fresh enemy troops (it was&mdasheventually). And while all this back-and-forthing was going on inside Ewell&rsquos head, his officers were gritting their teeth at the realization that every lost moment gave the blue bellies on the hill more time to improve their defensive works.

All of which is to say that Ewell was displaying a degree of caution that, though controversial, wasn&rsquot necessarily inappropriate. But there was another overriding factor at work: Jackson would have gone up that hill immediately. Of this there can be no doubt. And Ewell, already viewed as Stonewall&rsquos de facto successor, had stepped into a moment that served most keenly to highlight their differences&mdasha moment pregnant with significance.

The high ground south of Gettysburg would stay in Union hands, despite two more days of battle. And while Ewell hadn&rsquot lost the battle all by himself, many thought he&rsquod done his share. For Robert E. Lee, the lieutenant generals that commanded his three corps were the primary weapons in his arsenal&mdashthe men whose expertise and character were called upon to transfer Lee&rsquos discretionary orders to the needs of the moment. As such, they had to exhibit a large degree of independence. Ewell had some trouble with this. Though he had made an invaluable division commander, his performance at Gettysburg seemed to lack the assertive dynamism that Lee required in a corps-level leader.

It wasn&rsquot enough to get him sacked, of course. But Lee had his eye on him and began to develop doubts. Ewell led the Second Corps ably right up through the Battle of the Wilderness in May 1864. But that same month, in the carnage of Spotsylvania, his bad judgment harvested a frightful crop of corpses and essentially gutted one of his divisions. Evidence suggests that this was the final straw for Lee, whose gentlemanly sense of protocol required an excuse to ease the blow. A searing bout of diarrhea came to the rescue, crippling Old Baldy and compelling Lee to put Jubal Early, whose fighting abilities he increasingly admired, at the head of the Second Corps. Ewell did everything short of riding a bucking bronco to prove his recovery, but to no avail. Lee had lost his faith in the gallant hero of Winchester.

So what had happened? Was it the stump? Some contemporaries blamed Ewell&rsquos erratic performance on the severe wound he received at Groveton. But those closest to the general blamed his wife. Since his return to duty after the loss of his leg, Lizinka had assumed an increasingly important role in Ewell&rsquos life&mdashtoo important, according to some observers. In fact, Dick openly conferred with her over military decisions, especially crucial personnel choices such as promotions. &ldquoPetticoat government,&rdquo his staff called it. And whether or not they were exaggerating, one thing&rsquos for sure: Ewell himself failed to hit the issue head-on, allowing it to fester and create divisions that would otherwise not have been there.

At any rate, the Second Corps was no longer his. Jubal Early shared Dick&rsquos love of drink, cynicism, and profanity, and had long been a friend to whom he turned for advice. Now &ldquoOld Jubilee&rdquo had taken his unit, souring the relationship and leaving Ewell without a job. Or at least a job he could be proud of. In June the one-legged warrior was put in charge of the defenses of Richmond, a post that&mdashto a man who had raced along the Shenandoah Valley with Stonewall&rsquos &ldquofoot cavalry&rdquo and stormed the forts around Winchester&mdashwas more like a punch in the kidney than a transfer of responsibility. Nevertheless, Ewell was still one of the most valuable military leaders in the Confederacy, and the capital at Richmond was no backwater. Here was a defensive effort worthy of a man with Dick&rsquos talents.

But that was not Ewell&rsquos legacy in Richmond. When Ulysses Grant&rsquos final offensive came crashing toward the Rebel capital, Ewell was given an order by the secretary of war that he was loath to carry out: burn Richmond&rsquos vast warehouses full of cotton and tobacco. Though he fought the idea and was only obeying orders, Ewell was blamed by antagonists from the North and South for much of the destruction that left Richmond a smoking wreck. He led his troops westward in Lee&rsquos general retreat and was captured at Sayler&rsquos Creek along with nearly all the men under his command.

Ultimately, Dick Ewell died as a man keen on growing things rather than killing them. After spending time in a Boston Harbor prison following the war, he returned to his wife and commenced devoting his time to something that had fascinated him since his days in the Southwest: agriculture. Spring Hill, Lizinka&rsquos principal property in Tennessee, was developed into an extraordinarily successful stock farm. Ewell also managed properties in Mississippi. When he died in 1872 from a frightful wave of pneumonia that also claimed his wife, he had done his best to become a loyal citizen of the nation whose government he had once fought against&mdashand to put behind him the nightmarish war that had done its damnedest to kill him.

SEE DICK CUSS. CUSS, DICK, CUSS.

Early in the war, during the Battle of Fairfax Courthouse, Ewell&mdashstill a colonel&mdashtook a bullet in the shoulder. When a nearby soldier inquired after his health, the colonel spat back that it was none of his damned business and to get back in the ranks. It was vintage Dick Ewell: irascible and vulgar. According to one man who knew him in the old army, Ewell could &ldquoswear the scalp off an Apache.&rdquo A soldier who fought under the general during the Civil War called him &ldquothe most violently and elaborately profane man I ever knew&rdquo whose oaths &ldquoseemed the result of careful study and long practice.&rdquo Old Baldy himself is believed to have remarked that, with his swearing and Jackson&rsquos praying, the pair could whip the devil himself.

Interestingly enough, it was Stonewall&rsquos piety that inspired Ewell to take a more religious course in his personal affairs, which meant taking the profanity down a notch or two. But that was easier said than done&mdashparticularly at such moments when an expletive seemed all but irresistible. At Spotsylvania, Ewell taunted his routed soldiers by screaming, &ldquoRun, goddamn you, run!&rdquo and beating them with the flat of his sword. Lee saw the display, which played a role in the commanding general&rsquos decision to bump Ewell permanently from the Second Corps.

THE SINCEREST FORM OF FLATTERY

In May 1862, Stonewall Jackson sent Ewell a message that &ldquowith the help of divine Providence,&rdquo he had captured much of Union general Robert Milroy&rsquos wagon train. An exasperated Ewell shouted, &ldquoWhat has Providence to do with Milroy&rsquos wagon train?!&rdquo It was an excellent reminder of the gulf that divided Ewell, earthy and indelicate, from his churchy comrade-in-arms. They were an odd pair, to be sure, and their success in the Shenandoah Valley belied a vast difference in temperament. But in time Ewell came to view the old VMI professor as an uncanny virtuoso and stopped his practice of asking fellow officers if they had considered the possibility that Jackson was actually insane. A longtime lightweight in spiritual matters, Ewell is said to have witnessed the spectacle of Jackson praying one night alone in his tent and walked away with a newfound eagerness to embrace the faith.

Ewell never did make a very believable pilgrim. But he did share some other curious characteristics with Jackson&mdashstomach troubles, for one. Dyspepsia was a constant irritant for Ewell, and he adopted a diet that Jackson would&rsquove appreciated: bland oatmeal gruel, bread, tea, fruit. Breakfast often consisted of lettuce and cucumbers washed down with coffee. He even adopted some of Jackson&rsquos curatives, including cold water for neuralgia and avoiding pepper because it was theoretically so bad for the legs. When it came to alcohol, however, Ewell couldn&rsquot have been more different from Stonewall. Ewell loved the stuff, especially Madeira wine, which he credited with playing a major role in helping him recover from his amputation.

Dick Ewell was never accused of being a good-looking man. With bulging eyes, a beaklike nose, and a habit of cocking his head to one side, he seemed like some hapless avian spy who remained unaware that his shoddy human costume was giving him away. In fact, so many witnesses compared him to a woodcock that one suspects they had all gathered at some point and come to a consensus on the description. Capping his fowl physiognomy was Ewell&rsquos most distinguishing physical characteristic: a gloriously hairless head as smooth as a magpie&rsquos crown. Unburdened by functioning follicles almost since its owner&rsquos West Point days, Ewell&rsquos dome made him stand out at a considerable distance, even through the chaos of a battlefield. When he grew a full beard as if to compensate, someone asked him about the contrast. He replied that the condition resulted from the fact that he used his head more than he did his jaws.

WOODEN YA KNOW?

True to form, Ewell proved difficult to rescue in the frantic moment after his grievous wounding at Groveton. Hoisted by Alabama soldiers hoping to carry the wounded general to safety, he demanded that they put him down, pay him no more attention than any other wounded soldier, and get back to killing enemy troops. He was no more accommodating to the surgeon whose saw had an appointment with his leg the following day. &ldquoTell the #@%$ doctor that I&rsquoll be #@%$ if it shall be cut off, and that these are the last words of Ewell,&rdquo growled the distressed patient. But the wooden leg that ended up replacing his amputated one proved more than adequate. At the Battle of Gettysburg, a sniper&rsquos round struck Ewell in his prosthesis. He later instructed a fellow officer on the merits of going into battle with a fake limb. &ldquoYou see how much better fixed for a fight I am than you are.&rdquo He would use the peg years later on his Spring Hill farm when challenged by an especially aggressive Angora billy goat. After being knocked to the ground by the animal, Ewell fended off further attacks with his prosthesis until help arrived.

Though Ewell suffered three wounds during the war, including the one that cost him his leg, his mounts fared much worse. Ewell had five horses shot from under him by the end of the conflict.


Lieut. General Richard S. Ewell

Army of Northern Virginia
2nd Corps Headquarters
Lieut. Em geral
Richard S. Ewell
———
Divisões
Major Genl. Jubal A. Early
Major Genl. Edward johnson
Major Genl. R.E. Rodes
July 1,2,3,4,5, 1863

Erected 1920 by Gettysburg National Military Park Commission.

Tópicos Este marcador histórico está listado nesta lista de tópicos: Guerra, Civil dos EUA. A significant historical month for this entry is July 1932.

Localização. 39° 49.867′ N, 77° 13.178′ W. Marker is in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, in Adams County. Marker is at the intersection of Hanover Road (State Highway 116) and 6th Street on Hanover Road. Located in Gettysburg National Military Park. Toque para ver o mapa. Marker is in this post office area: Gettysburg PA 17325, United States of America. Toque para obter instruções.

Outros marcadores próximos. Pelo menos 8 outros marcadores estão a uma curta distância deste marcador. Henry Culp Farm (approx. mile away) Manor of Maske (approx. 0.3 miles away) Graham's Battery - Dance's Battalion (approx. 0.4 miles away) Milledge's Battery - Nelson's Battalion (approx. 0.4 miles away) Nelson's Battalion (approx. 0.4 miles away) Brown's Battery - Latimer's Battalion (approx. 0.4 miles away) Kirkpatrick's Battery - Nelson's Battalion (approx. 0.4 miles away) Hoke's Brigade (approx. 0.4 miles away). Touch for a list and map of all markers in Gettysburg.

Mais sobre este marcador. Monument has a Confederate 12 Pounder Napoleon embedded breech down.


Richard Ewell: First African-American to Win a National Title in Both Pair Skating and Single Skating

Richard Ewell was the first African-American to win a national title in both pair skating and single skating. He would also later win the National Junior Men in 1970, and in 1972, he won the National Junior Pair skating title with African-American skater Michelle McCladdie.
Ewell was born in Los Angeles, where he also grew up. He began skating in 1963. However, during this time, not too many African-American were seen in the sport. Before going to the rink, Ewell’s mother worried that the rink might not allow blacks, so she called ahead to avoid conflict when they arrived.

On that particular day the Ewell’s showed up at the rink, Mabel Fairbanks, who became a legend in her right, was there also. Ewell’s mother approached Fairbanks and asked her about lessons. Soon the whole Ewell family were taking skating lessons under Fairbanks. The first arena at which the Ewell family skated, The Polar Palace, burned down in April of 1963. After the rink had burned, the Ewell family looked for another location. They decided to try a skating rink in Culver City, California. When they arrived at the rink, Fairbanks was already there giving lessons.

Fairbanks recognized the talent in Ewell, especially at jumping. He was so good at it that many people thought he would become the first person to ever land a quadruple jump.

Too much amazement, Ewell passed all the figure skating tests quite quickly. In those days, to enter qualifying events, a skater had to pass a series of compulsory figure tests, which was quite a task for Ewell, since his talent was in jumping and not in the compulsory figures. He passed and was accepted into the All Year Figure Skating Club.

He won the novice men’s event at his first regionals. A couple of years later, in 1969, he qualified for nationals in the junior men’s division. No one, including Ewell, expected him to win the junior division at the 1970 U.S Championships, but he surpassed expectations. He placed sixth in figures and then performed the free skate of his life.

Ewell was teamed up with Michelle McCladdie, another African-American in 1968. The team won the novice pairs event at the Southwest Pacific regionals and at the Pacific Coast Sectionals in 1969. In 1970, they moved up to the junior level and placed second at the Southwest Pacific regionals but came in fourth in the Pacific Coast sectionals, falling short of qualifying for nationals.


Richard Ewell - HISTORY

My favorite scene in the movie Gettysburg comes when a fiery Isaac Trimble, taught as an over-coiled spring, appears before Robert E. Lee to recount the events of July 1. Frustrated by Richard Ewell’s inaction in front of Cemetery Hill late in the day, Trimble pleads for another assignment rather than be forced to continue to serve under Ewell.

It is a short but masterful performance by William Morgan Sheppard, who mixes fury, frustration, and a jigger full of heartbreak into a mix. It’s easy to drink Trimble’s Kool-Aid when it’s served up that well. I love the scene so much that it’s hard for me to be frustrated by it—yet frustrated I am.

I have been writing about Richard Ewell lately as part of Fight Like the Devil, the book I’m co-authoring with Dan Davis about the first day at Gettysburg. Ewell’s decision not to attack Cemetery Hill on July 1 still remains, after more than 151 years, one of the most controversial aspects of the entire battle—indeed, of the entire war. (For a full run-down, see the cover story that Kris White and I wrote for the August 2010 issue of Tempos da guerra civil.)

I can never think about Ewell on July 1, though, without thinking of Trimble’s exchange with Lee and, in particular, Sheppard’s performance.

The scene comes from Michael Shaara’s Pulitzer Prize-winning novel The Killer Angels, later adapted into Gettysburg.

In the novel, Lee, trying to assess the accuracy of several confusing reports about the July 1 battle, comes to the conclusion that Ewell missed a vital opportunity. He had ordered second corps commander to attack Cemetery Hill if practicable, but Ewell—according to Trimble—just stood there.

Trimble is an immediately likeable character, “a marvelous old man,” as Shaara describes him. His impotent rage is nearly palpable, and so it gives his perspective tremendous weight. Readers sympathize with him they quer to believe his character.

So does Lee, whose character seems to endorse Trimble’s conclusion: “[Lee] sensed, among the anger, the bitter breath of truth.”

The scene is as powerfully written in the novel as it’s acted in the movie. Shaara uses it to ratchet up the stakes for Lee. Should the commanding general stay and fight or should he listen to the advice of his top lieutenant, James Longstreet, and seek more favorable ground? By coming so close to victory on July 1, it’s easier for Lee to stay and try again. From a dramatic point of view, it’s not so suspenseful if there isn’t much question about the outcome.

But therein lies the rub: Shaara is writing fiction, not history.

He needs to create tension and suspense. As a result, he completely excludes Ewell’s side of the story from the novel, just as director Ron Maxwell, drunk with Lost Cause-ism, excludes it from the movie. (I’ve discussed Shaara’s approach as an artist in more detail here and here.)

The truth is, Lee spent considerable time with Ewell on the late afternoon and evening of July 1—a fact that gets glossed over in the novel and skipped entirely in the movie. As a result, Ewell never gets the opportunity to respond to Trimble’s accusations. Instead, Shaara contrives to have Ewell practically corroborate it. “I think I was too slow today, sir,” Ewell says to Lee. “I regret that very much. I was trying to be . . . . careful. I may have been too careful.” [ellipses in the original]

That’s a convenient interpretation of events from the novelist’s point of view, but it’s problematic from a historical point of view. Ewell had plenty of good reasons to decide it wasn’t “practicable” to attack Cemetery Hill, so he made the prudent military decision not to attack. However, his reasons have largely been dismissed wholesale, first in the postwar years by Jubal Early—who had reason to divert blame from himself for a lack of activity on July 1—and in modern times because of Shaara’s novel and Maxwell’s film (which Old Jube couldn’t have scripted better).

As an artist, Shaara’s choice makes complete sense. To explore Ewell’s perspective in any depth would have killed the momentum of his novel at that point and diffused the building tension. Shaara has to exclude Ewell’s side of the story in order to make stronger art. The strength of that art comes to its fullest culmination in Sheppard’s wonderful onscreen performance.

The frustration is that so many people continue to accept that art as history.

But I can’t be também frustrated. I admire the writing too much, for many reasons, and I admire the performance too much, too. In the end, I can only repeat Lee’s words from the novel, astounded as I am by the ferocity of Trimble’s outburst: “Thank you, General. You will be of great service, thank you.”


Assista o vídeo: Gods and Generals: General Jacksons Farewell Speech to his Brigade HD (Janeiro 2022).