Podcasts de história

Negros e Primeira Guerra Mundial - História

Negros e Primeira Guerra Mundial - História

300.000 negros serviram nas forças armadas dos Estados Unidos durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial. 1.400 serviram como oficiais.

Afro-americanos na Primeira Guerra Mundial

Inicialmente, quando a Primeira Guerra Mundial começou, os Estados Unidos estavam envolvidos nela. No entanto, os afro-americanos viram a guerra como uma oportunidade para ganhar respeito na sociedade que era segregada e tratava os afro-americanos como cidadãos de segunda classe. Os afro-americanos, apesar de seu tratamento, estavam dispostos a servir sua nação quando ficou claro que os Estados Unidos entrariam na guerra. Infelizmente, mesmo assim, os militares os rejeitaram.

Em abril de 1917, quando os EUA declararam guerra à Alemanha, os planejadores do Departamento de Guerra perceberam que sua força de soldados não era suficiente para dar aos americanos uma vitória. Conseqüentemente, em 18 de maio de 1917, o Congresso dos Estados Unidos aprovou a Selective Service Act, que exigia que todos os cidadãos americanos do sexo masculino com idade entre 21 e 31 anos fossem convocados para o exército. É importante observar que antes da aprovação da Lei, os afro-americanos ingressavam no exército como forma de comprovar seu patriotismo e lealdade, para que tivessem um tratamento justo no país.

Os EUA tinham 6 regimentos de tropas afro-americanas lideradas por oficiais brancos. Posteriormente, no ano de 1869, os regimentos foram organizados em 4, a saber, a 9ª e a 10ª Cavalaria e a 24ª e a 25ª Infantaria. No entanto, depois que foi anunciado que os Estados Unidos participariam da Primeira Guerra Mundial, o Departamento de Guerra parou de aceitar voluntários afro-americanos quando a cota foi preenchida.

No entanto, quando o projeto entrou em cena, os afro-americanos foram convocados. Viu-se que, embora os afro-americanos representassem apenas 10% da população dos Estados Unidos, 13% dos homenageados eram negros. O Exército dos Estados Unidos era discriminatório, mas a extensão não era tanto quanto vista em outros ramos. Os afro-americanos não podiam se tornar fuzileiros navais e a Marinha e a Guarda Costeira permitiam que os negros servissem apenas em cargos limitados e servis. No entanto, quando a Primeira Guerra Mundial terminou, os afro-americanos estavam nas unidades de cavalaria, infantaria, sinal, medicina, artilharia e engenharia. Além disso, trabalhavam como oficiais de inteligência, agrimensores, capelães, químicos e motoristas de caminhão.

Infelizmente, muito poucos afro-americanos trabalharam em unidades de combate, pois a maioria deles foi relegada a batalhões de trabalho. Os 4 regimentos afro-americanos não foram implantados no exterior. Isso resultou em protestos dos afro-americanos, o que levou o Departamento de Guerra a formar as divisões 92 e 93 no ano de 1917 como unidades de combate para afro-americanos. Com a criação dessas unidades de combate, o Departamento de Guerra começou a procurar oficiais afro-americanos e isso levou a um campo de treinamento segregado, mas igual para oficiais. Fort Des Moines se tornou o campo de treinamento para oficiais afro-americanos no ano de 1917 e cerca de 1.970 negros participaram do campo de treinamento. Destes 250 já eram oficiais não comissionados, enquanto os restantes eram civis. Logo depois que o treinamento acabou e os cadetes comissionados, o campo de Des Moines foi fechado. Depois disso, os afro-americanos foram enviados a Porto Rico, Panamá, Havaí e Filipinas para treinamento.

Depois que os soldados afro-americanos foram enviados para a Europa, eles trabalharam muito. Eles eram responsáveis ​​por descarregar os navios e depois transportar os materiais para bases, portos e depósitos ferroviários. À medida que a guerra avançava, as unidades de trabalho afro-americanas receberam a responsabilidade de cavar trincheiras, enterrar os mortos, remover projéteis não detonados, limpar arame farpado e equipamentos que não funcionavam mais.

As unidades de combate afro-americanas não tinham um vínculo ou coesão, pois os homens treinavam separadamente, e isso explicaria por que a campanha de Meuse Argonne não foi bem para as unidades. Enquanto o Exército Americano não pensava muito nas unidades de combate afro-americanas, os franceses condecoraram os soldados pertencentes ao 365º de Infantaria e ao 350º Batalhão de Metralhadoras por sua bravura e agressividade.

Quando ocorreu o armistício em 11 de novembro de 1918, os soldados afro-americanos celebraram sua vitória como todos os outros soldados. Eles pensaram que seriam recebidos como heróis ao retornar ao seu país. No entanto, não foi assim. Mas isso não impediu os afro-americanos de se alistarem nas forças armadas.

A primeira aliança na Primeira Guerra Mundial foi a Tríplice Aliança que ocorreu entre a Alemanha, Itália e o Império Austro-Húngaro. Então, houve uma aliança entre franceses e russos, mas não durou muito. A aliança entre a França e a Rússia tinha motivos econômicos por trás disso. No entanto, os russos ficaram com raiva dos alemães depois do Congresso de Berlim e isso levou à quebra da aliança. Mais..


Black Codes e Jim Crow

Os primeiros passos em direção à segregação oficial vieram na forma de & # x201CCódigos Negros. & # X201D Essas foram leis aprovadas em todo o Sul a partir de 1865, que ditaram muitos aspectos da vida dos povos negros & # x2019, incluindo onde eles podiam trabalhar e viver. Os códigos também garantiram aos negros a disponibilidade de mão de obra barata após a abolição da escravidão.

A segregação logo se tornou a política oficial imposta por uma série de leis sulistas. Por meio das chamadas leis Jim Crow (em homenagem a um termo depreciativo para os negros), os legisladores segregaram tudo, desde escolas, áreas residenciais, parques públicos, teatros, piscinas, cemitérios, asilos, prisões e residências. Havia salas de espera separadas para brancos e negros em escritórios profissionais e, em 1915, Oklahoma se tornou o primeiro estado a segregar cabines telefônicas públicas.

As faculdades foram segregadas e instituições negras separadas, como a Howard University em Washington, D.C. e a Fisk University em Nashville, Tennessee, foram criadas para compensar. Virginia & # x2019s Hampton Institute foi fundado em 1869 como uma escola para jovens negros, mas com instrutores brancos ensinando habilidades para relegar os negros em posições de serviço aos brancos.


Cronologia da História Negra: 1910-1919

Como na década anterior, os negros americanos continuam a lutar contra a injustiça racial. Usando vários métodos de protesto - escrevendo editoriais, publicando notícias, jornais literários e acadêmicos e organizando protestos pacíficos - eles começam a expor os males da segregação não apenas para os Estados Unidos, mas para o mundo todo.

Keystone / Staff / Getty Images

De acordo com os dados do Censo dos EUA, os negros americanos somam quase 10 milhões, quase 11% da população dos Estados Unidos. Cerca de 90% dos negros americanos vivem no sul, mas um grande número começará a migrar para o norte em busca de melhores oportunidades de trabalho e condições de vida.

29 de setembro: A National Urban League é estabelecida na cidade de Nova York. O objetivo do NUL é ajudar os negros americanos a encontrar emprego e moradia. Como a liga descreve em seu site, sua missão é:

O NUL crescerá para 90 afiliados atendendo 300 comunidades em 37 estados e no Distrito de Columbia.

Novembro: A NAACP publica a primeira edição da Crise. REDE. Du Bois se torna o primeiro editor-chefe da revista mensal. A revista cobre eventos como a Grande Migração. Em 1919, a revista chega a uma circulação mensal estimada de 100.000 exemplares.

Em todos os Estados Unidos, leis locais são estabelecidas para segregar os bairros. Baltimore, Dallas, Louisville, Norfolk, Oklahoma City, Richmond, Roanoke e St. Louis estabelecem tais ordenanças separando os bairros negros e brancos.

5 de janeiro: Kappa Alpha Psi, uma fraternidade afro-americana, é fundada por 10 alunos na Universidade de Indiana em Bloomington, Indiana. De acordo com o site da universidade:

17 de novembro: Omega Psi Phi é estabelecido na Howard University "pelos alunos de graduação Edgar A. Love, Oscar J. Cooper e Frank Coleman no escritório de seu orientador, o professor de biologia Ernest E. Just", de acordo com o site da universidade. "Masculinidade, erudição, perseverança e elevação" são adotados como os princípios cardeais do grupo durante sua primeira reunião no escritório de Just no Science Hall (agora conhecido como Thirkield Hall), observa o site da fraternidade.

Mais de 60 negros americanos são linchados este ano, parte de uma tendência violenta maior nos EUA, já que houve quase 5.000 linchamentos em todo o país entre 1882 e 1968, principalmente de homens negros.

12 de setembro: BANHEIRO. Handy publica "Memphis Blues" em Memphis. Conhecido como o "Pai do Blues", Handy muda o curso da música popular americana com a publicação da canção, que traz a tradição folclórica afro-americana para a música mainstream e influencia grandes nomes do Blues posteriores, como John Lee Hooker, BB King e Koko Taylor, observa a Biblioteca do Congresso.

Claude McKay publica duas coleções de poesia, "Songs of Jamaica and Constab Ballads". Um dos escritores mais prolíficos da Renascença do Harlem, McKay usa temas como orgulho negro, alienação e desejo de assimilação em suas obras de ficção, poesia e não ficção ao longo de sua carreira.

Arquivo Hulton / Imagens Getty

22 a 27 de setembro: O 50º aniversário da Proclamação de Emancipação é comemorado. A Biblioteca do Congresso até hoje tem um item denominado "Lembrança e programa oficial, cinquenta anos de liberdade: jubileu nacional de 22 de setembro de 1862 a 22 de setembro de 1912, em comemoração ao quinquagésimo aniversário da emissão da proclamação da Emancipação, setembro 22 a 27 de 1912, Washington, DC " Faz parte das Perspectivas Afro-Americanas da biblioteca em sua Coleção de Livros Raros e foi doado à instituição por Daniel Murray, um homem negro e bibliotecário assistente do LOC que ajudou a estabelecer o que foi chamado de "Coleção de Autores Coloridos" por meio de uma doação de 1.100 livros e artefatos de escritores negros americanos.

13 de janeiro: Delta Sigma Theta, uma irmandade negra, é estabelecida na Howard University. A data, diz a universidade em seu site:

O governo de Woodrow Wilson estabelece a segregação federal. Nos Estados Unidos, os ambientes de trabalho federais, refeitórios e banheiros são segregados. Wilson até expulsa William Monroe Trotter do Salão Oval quando o líder dos direitos civis vem discutir o assunto com o presidente em 12 de novembro, observa O Atlantico. Um século depois, alunos da Universidade de Princeton, onde Wilson também foi presidente, protestarão contra como a escola o homenageou à luz de seu legado racista.

Jornais afro-americanos, como o Águia californiana iniciar campanhas para protestar contra a representação de pessoas negras em D.W. "Nascimento de uma nação" de Griffith. Como resultado de editoriais e artigos publicados em jornais negros, o filme foi proibido em muitas comunidades nos Estados Unidos.

O Apollo Theatre foi fundado na cidade de Nova York. Benjamin Hurtig e Harry Seamon obtêm um aluguel de 31 anos do teatro neoclássico recém-construído, projetado por George Keister, chamando-o de Novo Burlesco de Hurtig and Seamon. Os afro-americanos não têm permissão para comparecer como patronos ou se apresentar nos primeiros anos do teatro, como era o caso da maioria dos teatros dos EUA na época. O teatro seria fechado em 1933, após o futuro prefeito da cidade de Nova York, Fiorello La Guardia, começar uma campanha contra o burlesco. Reabre um ano depois, em 1934, sob nova direção, como o Apollo.

Mark Reinstein / Getty Images

21 de junho: A Cláusula do Avô de Oklahoma foi revogada em Guinn x Estados Unidos. Em sua opinião unânime, entregue pelo Chefe de Justiça CJ White, o tribunal determina que a cláusula do avô de Oklahoma - tendo sido escrita de forma a servir a "nenhum propósito racional" além de negar aos cidadãos americanos negros o direito de voto - viola a 15ª Emenda à a Constituição dos EUA.

9 de setembro: Carter G. Woodson estabelece a Associação para o Estudo da Vida e História do Negro. Nesse mesmo ano, Woodson também publica "A Educação do Negro Antes de 1861". Durante sua vida, Woodson trabalhou para estabelecer o campo da história dos negros americanos no início de 1900 e contribuiu com vários livros e publicações para o campo da pesquisa negra.

A NAACP proclama que "Lift Every Voice and Sing" é o hino nacional afro-americano. A canção foi escrita e composta por dois irmãos, James Weldon e Rosamond Johnson. As linhas de abertura da música, tocadas pela primeira vez em 12 de fevereiro de 1900, como parte da celebração do aniversário do presidente Abraham Lincoln, proclamam:

14 de novembro: Booker T. Washington morre. Ele tinha sido um proeminente educador negro e autor, que tendo sido escravizado desde o nascimento, ascendeu a uma posição de poder e influência, fundando o Instituto Tuskegee no Alabama em 1881 e supervisionando seu crescimento em uma universidade negra bem respeitada.

Redes de televisão A & ampE / Wikimedia Commons

Em janeiro: A ANSLH de Woodson publica o primeiro periódico acadêmico dedicado à história negra americana. A publicação é chamada de Journal of Negro History.

Em março: Marcus Garvey estabelece a filial de Nova York da Universal Negro Improvement Association. Os objetivos da organização incluem a fundação de faculdades para educação geral e profissional, promoção da propriedade de negócios e incentivo de um sentimento de fraternidade entre a diáspora africana.

James Weldon Johnson torna-se secretário de campo da NAACP. Nesta posição, Johnson organiza manifestações de massa contra o racismo e a violência. Ele também aumenta a lista de membros da NAACP nos estados do sul, uma ação que prepararia o cenário para o movimento pelos direitos civis décadas depois.

Underwood e amp Underwood / Wikimedia Commons / CC BY 4.0

6 de abril: Quando os Estados Unidos entram na Primeira Guerra Mundial, cerca de 370.000 negros americanos entram para as forças armadas. Mais da metade serve na zona de guerra francesa e mais de 1.000 oficiais negros comandam tropas. Como resultado, 107 soldados negros são condecorados com a Croix de Guerre pelo governo francês.

1 ° de julho: O motim de corrida de East St. Louis começa. Quando o motim de dois dias termina, cerca de 40 pessoas morrem, várias centenas ficam feridas e milhares são desalojados de suas casas.

28 de julho: A NAACP organiza uma marcha silenciosa em resposta a linchamentos, distúrbios raciais e injustiça social. Considerada a primeira grande demonstração de direitos civis do século 20, quase 10.000 negros americanos participam.

Em agosto: O mensageiro é estabelecido por A. Philip Randolph e Chandler Owen. De acordo com o site BlackPast:

Em julho: Três negros e dois brancos são mortos no motim racial em Chester, Pensilvânia. Em poucos dias, outro motim racial irrompe na Filadélfia, matando três negros e um residente branco.

20 de fevereiro: "The Homesteader" é lançado em Chicago. É o primeiro filme produzido por Oscar Micheaux. Pelos próximos 40 anos, Micheaux se tornará um dos cineastas negros mais proeminentes ao produzir e dirigir 24 filmes mudos e 19 filmes sonoros.

Em março: Claude A. Barnett fundou a Associated Negro Press no South Side de Chicago e permaneceu como seu diretor por meio século, até seu fechamento em 1967. De acordo com o Black Metropolis Research Consortium, o ANP se torna o maior e mais antigo serviço de notícias negro, fornecendo 150 jornais negros nos Estados Unidos - e outros 100 na África - com colunas de opinião, resenhas de livros, filmes, discos e poesia, desenhos animados e fotografias.

Em abril: O panfleto "Trinta anos de linchamento nos Estados Unidos: 1898–1918" é publicado pela NAACP. O relatório é usado para apelar aos legisladores para que acabem com o terrorismo social, político e econômico associado ao linchamento. Somente neste ano, 83 negros são linchados - muitos deles soldados voltando para casa da Primeira Guerra Mundial - e a Ku Klux Klan está operando em 27 estados.

Maio-outubro: Vários distúrbios raciais estouram em cidades dos Estados Unidos. Johnson chama esses distúrbios raciais de Verão Vermelho de 1919. Em resposta, Claude McKay publica o poema "If We Must Die".

O Movimento de Missão de Paz é estabelecido pelo Padre Divine em Sayville, Nova York. As instalações da Missão de Paz, chamadas de "céus", se espalharão por todo o país nas próximas décadas. Eles são instalações de convivência inter-racial que fomentam a crença em uma sociedade sem segregação.


LUTA POR RESPEITO: Soldados afro-americanos na Primeira Guerra Mundial

Enquanto o povo dos Estados Unidos assistia ao início da Primeira Guerra Mundial em toda a Europa, os cidadãos afro-americanos viram uma oportunidade de ganhar o respeito de seus vizinhos brancos. A América era uma sociedade segregada e os afro-americanos eram considerados, na melhor das hipóteses, cidadãos de segunda classe. No entanto, apesar disso, havia muitos homens afro-americanos dispostos a servir nas forças armadas do país, mas mesmo quando ficou claro que os Estados Unidos entrariam na guerra na Europa, os negros ainda estavam sendo rejeitados pelo serviço militar.

Quando os Estados Unidos declararam guerra à Alemanha em abril de 1917, os planejadores do Departamento de Guerra perceberam rapidamente que o Exército permanente de 126.000 homens não seria suficiente para garantir a vitória no exterior. O sistema voluntário padrão provou ser inadequado para formar um Exército, então em 18 de maio de 1917 o Congresso aprovou a Lei do Serviço Seletivo exigindo que todos os cidadãos do sexo masculino com idades entre 21 e 31 anos se registrassem para o alistamento. Mesmo antes de a lei ser aprovada, homens afro-americanos de todo o país juntaram-se avidamente ao esforço de guerra. Eles viram o conflito como uma oportunidade de provar sua lealdade, patriotismo e dignidade de tratamento igual nos Estados Unidos.

Após a Guerra Civil, o Exército dispersou regimentos voluntários “de cor” e estabeleceu seis regimentos do Exército Regular de tropas negras com oficiais brancos. Em 1869, os regimentos de infantaria foram reorganizados em 24º e 25º Infantaria. Os dois regimentos de cavalaria, o 9º e o 10º, foram mantidos. Esses regimentos foram colocados no oeste e no sudoeste, onde estiveram fortemente envolvidos na guerra contra os índios. Durante a Guerra Hispano-Americana, todos os quatro regimentos prestaram serviço.

Quando a Primeira Guerra Mundial estourou, havia quatro regimentos totalmente negros: a 9ª e a 10ª Cavalaria e a 24ª e a 25ª Infantaria. Os homens nessas unidades eram considerados heróis em suas comunidades. Dentro de uma semana da declaração de guerra de Wilson, o Departamento de Guerra teve que parar de aceitar voluntários negros porque as cotas para afro-americanos foram preenchidas.

Quando se tratou do projeto, entretanto, houve uma reversão na política discriminatória usual. As pranchas de recrutamento eram compostas inteiramente por homens brancos. Embora não houvesse cláusulas de segregação específicas delineadas no projeto de lei, os negros foram instruídos a rasgar um canto de seus cartões de registro para que pudessem ser facilmente identificados e introduzidos separadamente. Agora, em vez de rejeitar os negros, os comitês de recrutamento estavam fazendo tudo o que podiam para colocá-los em serviço, em particular os comitês de recrutamento do sul. Um conselho de isenção do condado da Geórgia dispensou 44% dos registrantes brancos por motivos físicos e isentou apenas 3% dos registrantes negros com base nos mesmos requisitos. Era bastante comum que os funcionários dos correios do sul retivessem deliberadamente os cartões de registro de homens negros elegíveis e os mandassem prender por serem trapaceiros. Homens afro-americanos que possuíam suas próprias fazendas e famílias eram freqüentemente recrutados antes de empregados brancos solteiros de grandes fazendeiros. Embora representem apenas dez por cento de toda a população dos Estados Unidos, os negros forneceram treze por cento dos homenageados.

Embora ainda discriminatório, o Exército foi muito mais progressista nas relações raciais do que os outros ramos das Forças Armadas. Os negros não podiam servir nos fuzileiros navais e só podiam servir em cargos limitados e servis na Marinha e na Guarda Costeira. No final da Primeira Guerra Mundial, os afro-americanos serviram em unidades de cavalaria, infantaria, sinalização, medicina, engenharia e artilharia, além de servir como capelães, agrimensores, motoristas de caminhão, químicos e oficiais de inteligência.

Embora tecnicamente elegível para muitos cargos no Exército, muito poucos negros tiveram a oportunidade de servir em unidades de combate. A maioria estava limitada a batalhões de trabalho. Os elementos de combate do Exército dos EUA foram mantidos completamente segregados. Os quatro regimentos do Exército Regular, totalmente negros, não foram usados ​​em funções de combate no exterior, mas em vez disso, foram difundidos por todo o território controlado pelos Estados Unidos. Houve tal reação da comunidade afro-americana, no entanto, que o Departamento de Guerra finalmente criou as divisões 92d e 93d, ambas unidades de combate principalmente negras, em 1917.

Com a criação das unidades afro-americanas também surgiu a demanda por oficiais afro-americanos. O Departamento de Guerra achou que os soldados teriam maior probabilidade de seguir homens de sua própria cor, reduzindo assim o risco de qualquer tipo de levante. A maioria dos líderes da comunidade afro-americana concordou e foi decidido que o Exército criaria um campo de treinamento de oficiais segregado, mas supostamente igual. Em maio de 1917, Fort Des Moines abriu suas portas para estagiários de oficiais negros. Aproximadamente 1.250 homens participaram do acampamento em Des Moines, Iowa.

Duzentos e cinquenta desses homens já eram suboficiais e o resto eram civis. O homem médio que frequentava o acampamento precisava apenas ter o ensino médio, e apenas 12% pontuaram acima da média nos testes de classificação dados pelo Exército.

Dirigido pelo então LTC Charles C. Ballou, a equipe do forte de doze graduados de West Point e alguns suboficiais dos quatro regimentos originais totalmente negros colocam os candidatos em uma rotina de treinamento rigorosa. Praticavam exercícios com e sem armas, sinalização, treinamento físico, memorização da organização do regimento, leitura de mapas e treinamento com rifle e baioneta. No entanto, como Ballou observou após a guerra, os homens que faziam o treinamento não levavam o trabalho muito a sério e pareciam considerar a escola e os candidatos uma perda de tempo. Consequentemente, o Departamento de Guerra determinou que a instrução em Fort Des Moines era pobre e inadequada. Além do treinamento deficiente, havia o fato de que ninguém sabia exatamente o que esperar na França, por isso era difícil treinar com a precisão necessária.

Em 15 de outubro de 1917, 639 homens afro-americanos receberam suas comissões como capitão ou primeiro ou segundo tenente, e foram designados para unidades de infantaria, artilharia e engenharia com a 92ª Divisão. Esta seria a primeira e única turma a se formar em Fort Des Moines, o Departamento de Guerra fechou logo após sua partida. Os futuros candidatos negros frequentaram campos de treinamento especial em Porto Rico (dos quais 433 oficiais se formaram), nas Filipinas, Havaí e Panamá, ou instalações regulares de treinamento de oficiais nos Estados Unidos.

O Exército não tinha uma política escrita sobre o que fazer se um campo de treinamento de oficiais fosse integrado, então cada campo tinha permissão para decidir por si mesmo a maneira como a integração seria executada. Alguns eram completamente segregados e outros permitiam que negros e brancos treinassem juntos. Mais de 700 oficiais negros se formaram nesses campos, elevando o número total para 1.353.

Embora os afro-americanos estivessem ganhando posições mais altas no Exército, isso não significava necessariamente que estavam recebendo tratamento igual. Os recrutas negros foram tratados com extrema hostilidade quando chegaram para treinar. Homens brancos se recusavam a saudar oficiais negros e oficiais negros eram frequentemente proibidos de entrar nos clubes e aposentos dos oficiais. O Departamento de Guerra raramente intercedia e a discriminação geralmente era ignorada ou às vezes tolerada. Como muitos civis do sul protestaram contra o fato de negros de outros estados morarem em campos de treinamento próximos, o Departamento de Guerra estipulou que não mais de um quarto dos estagiários em qualquer acampamento do Exército nos EUA poderia ser afro-americano.

Mesmo quando integrados em campos bastante progressistas, os soldados negros costumavam ser maltratados e às vezes passavam longos períodos sem roupas adequadas. Também houve relatos de negros recebendo uniformes antigos da Guerra Civil e sendo forçados a dormir do lado de fora em barracas armadas em vez de barracas mais quentes e resistentes. Alguns eram forçados a comer fora nos meses de inverno, enquanto outros ficavam sem trocar de roupa por meses a fio. No entanto, nem todos os soldados negros sofreram tratamento como esse, pois aqueles que tiveram a sorte de treinar nos acantonamentos recém-erguidos do Exército Nacional viviam em alojamentos confortáveis ​​e tinham latrinas sanitárias, comida quente e muitas roupas.

As primeiras tropas negras enviadas para o exterior pertenciam a unidades de serviço. Como o trabalho que essas unidades realizavam era absolutamente inestimável para o esforço de guerra, os comandantes prometiam privilégios especiais em troca de resultados de alto rendimento. Com tal motivação, os soldados muitas vezes trabalhavam por 24 horas descarregando navios e transportando homens e material de e para várias bases, portos e depósitos ferroviários. Conforme a guerra continuou e os soldados foram para os campos de batalha, as unidades de trabalho negro tornaram-se responsáveis ​​por cavar trincheiras, remover granadas não detonadas dos campos, limpar equipamentos deficientes e arame farpado e enterrar soldados mortos em combate. Apesar de todo o trabalho árduo e essencial que prestaram, os estivadores afro-americanos receberam o pior tratamento de todas as tropas negras servindo na Primeira Guerra Mundial

Embora não fossem tão respeitados quanto qualquer um dos soldados brancos envolvidos no esforço de guerra, as tropas de combate afro-americanas, em muitos aspectos, estavam muito melhor do que os trabalhadores. As duas divisões de combate & # 8211a 92d e 93d Divisões & # 8211 tiveram duas experiências completamente diferentes enquanto lutavam na Grande Guerra.

A 92ª Divisão foi criada em outubro de 1917 e colocada sob o comando de BG Charles C. Ballou, que organizou a primeira escola de candidatos a oficiais afro-americanos. Organizado de maneira semelhante às outras divisões americanas, o 92d era composto por quatro regimentos de infantaria, três regimentos de artilharia de campo, uma bateria de morteiros de trincheira, três batalhões de metralhadoras, um batalhão de sinal, um regimento de engenheiros, um trem de engenheiros e vários unidades de suporte.

Embora em nenhum caso um oficial negro comandasse um oficial branco, a maioria dos oficiais (até o posto de primeiro-tenente) na unidade eram afro-americanos. Ao contrário de quase todas as outras unidades americanas treinando para ir para a batalha, os soldados da 92d foram forçados a treinar separadamente enquanto estavam nos Estados Unidos. O Departamento de Guerra, temendo revoltas raciais, estava disposto a sacrificar a capacidade da unidade de desenvolver coesão e orgulho. A falta de um vínculo forte entre os homens foi um dos fatores que levaram ao mau desempenho da unidade na campanha de Meuse-Argonne.

A animosidade pessoal entre o LTG Robert Bullard, comandante do Segundo Exército americano, e BG Ballou era outro problema. Bullard não era apenas um racista ferrenho, mas também tinha uma rivalidade com BG Ballou. Para fazer Ballou e os soldados negros parecerem completamente incompetentes, Bullard espalhou desinformação sobre os sucessos e fracassos da 92d.

Até mesmo COL Allen J. Greer, chefe de gabinete de Ballou, estava no plano de sabotar a reputação de sua unidade afro-americana e ajudou a colocar uma reviravolta negativa nas histórias da linha de frente. Independentemente de quão bem a 92ª Divisão realmente se saiu no campo de batalha, era virtualmente impossível superar a calúnia de oficiais preconceituosos.

Após alguns sucessos iniciais em Lorraine em meados de agosto, em 20 de setembro de 1918, o 92d foi ordenado a seguir para a Floresta de Argonne em preparação para a ofensiva de Meuse-Argonne. A divisão alcançou a linha de frente pouco antes do primeiro ataque. O 368º Regimento de Infantaria imediatamente recebeu ordens para preencher uma lacuna entre a 77ª Divisão americana e a 37ª Divisão francesa. No entanto, devido à falta de treinamento com os franceses, falta de equipamento e falta de familiaridade com o terreno, o regimento não concluiu com êxito esta importante missão. O fracasso em cumprir esta missão crucial manchou o histórico de combate da 92d e foi frequentemente usado por autoridades militares por mais de trinta anos para provar a inadequação dos soldados afro-americanos em combate.

Após o desastre no Argonne, toda a divisão foi enviada para uma área relativamente tranquila da frente no setor de Marbache. Sua missão principal era, no entanto, perigosa: assediar o inimigo com patrulhas frequentes. O perigo da missão se refletiu nas 462 vítimas sofridas apenas no primeiro mês de patrulhamento. Embora os comandantes americanos estivessem insatisfeitos com o desempenho da unidade, os franceses obviamente tinham uma opinião diferente & # 8211; eles condecoraram os membros da 365ª Infantaria e do 350º Batalhão de Metralhadoras por sua agressividade e bravura.

No final de 1918, o Exército Alemão estava em plena retirada, o Comandante em Chefe Aliado, Marechal de Campo Ferdinand Foch, queria aplicar forte pressão para um avanço decisivo e derrota. O 92d foi ordenado a tomar as alturas a leste de Champney, França, em 10 de novembro de 1918. Embora tenha durado apenas um dia, o ataque foi feroz e sangrento, custando à divisão mais de 500 baixas.

Enquanto a 92d Divisão lutava para limpar sua reputação, a 93d Divisão teve uma experiência muito mais bem-sucedida. Comandada por BG Roy Hoffman, a 93d Divisão também foi organizada em dezembro de 1917. Ao contrário de outras divisões de infantaria americanas, a 93d foi limitada a quatro regimentos de infantaria, três dos quais eram compostos por unidades da Guarda Nacional de Nova York, Illinois, Ohio, Maryland, Connecticut, Massachusetts, o Distrito de Columbia e Tennessee. Sendo composto principalmente de recrutas e guardas nacionais, o 93d carecia de qualquer tipo de consistência em sua experiência ou composição. A unidade também carecia de seu número total de unidades de combate e elementos de apoio e, como resultado, nunca atingiu a força de divisão total. Parecendo ter todas as probabilidades contra ele, o 93d se saiu muito bem quando confrontado com a batalha.

Arquivos Nacionais

A situação era desesperadora na França e, com exércitos exaustos e cada vez menores, os franceses imploraram por homens aos Estados Unidos. O GEN John Pershing, comandante da Força Expedicionária Americana, prometeu-lhes quatro regimentos americanos. Ele decidiu dar a eles os regimentos da 93ª Divisão, já que os franceses, que haviam usado tropas coloniais francesas do Senegal, tinham experiência no emprego de soldados negros em combate. As primeiras tropas de combate afro-americanas a pisar em solo francês pertenciam à 93ª Divisão. Armado, organizado e equipado como uma unidade francesa, o 93d rapidamente se ajustou à sua nova missão. Embora enfrentando algumas dificuldades, como problemas de idioma, os soldados negros foram tratados como iguais.

A 369ª Infantaria foi o primeiro regimento da 93ª Divisão a chegar à França. Eles chegaram à cidade portuária de Brest em dezembro de 1917. Em 10 de março, após três meses de serviço com os Serviços de Abastecimento, o 369º recebeu ordens para se juntar à 16ª Divisão francesa em Givry en Argonne para treinamento adicional. Depois de três semanas, o regimento foi enviado às linhas de frente em uma região a oeste da Floresta Argonne. For nearly a month they held their position against German assaults, and after only a brief break from the front, the 369th was placed once again in the middle of the German offensive, this time at Minacourt, France. From 18 July to 6 August 1918, the 369th Infantry, now proudly nicknamed the “Harlem Hellfighters,” proved their tenacity once again by helping the French 161st Division drive the Germans from their trenches during the Aisne-Marne counter-offensive.

In this three-week period, the Germans were making many small night raids into Allied territory. During one of these raids, a member of the 369th Infantry, CPL Henry Johnson, fought off an entire German raiding party using only a pistol and a knife. Killing four of the Germans and wounding many more, his actions allowed a wounded comrade to escape capture and led to the seizure of a stockpile of German arms. Johnson and his comrade were wounded and both received the French Croix de Guerre for their gallantry. Johnson was also promoted to sergeant.

From 26 September to 5 October, the 369th participated in the Meuse-Argonne offensive, and continued to fight well throughout the remainder of the war. The regiment fought in the front lines for a total of 191 days, five days longer than any other regiment in the AEF. France awarded the entire unit the Croix de Guerre, along with presenting 171 individual awards for exceptional gallantry in action.

National Guard Heritage Series.

Although the 369th won much of the glory for the 93d Division, the 370th, 371st, and 372d Regiments, each assigned to different French divisions, also proved themselves worthy of acclaim at the front. The 370th fought hard in both the Meuse-Argonne and Oise-Aisne campaigns. Seventy-one members of the regiment received the French Croix de Guerre, and another twenty-one soldiers received the Distinguished Service Cross (DSC). Company C, 371st Infantry, earned the Croix de Guerre with Palm. The 371st Regiment spent more than three months on the front lines in the Verdun area, and for its extraordinary service in the Champagne offensive, the entire regiment was awarded the Croix de Guerre with Palm. In addition, three of the 371st’s officers were awarded the French Legion of Honor, 123 men won the Croix de Guerre, and twenty-six earned the DSC.

The 372d Infantry also performed admirably during the American assault in Champagne, and afterwards assisted in the capture of Monthois. It was there the regiment faced strong resistance and numerous counterattacks, resulting in many instances of hand-to-hand combat. In less than two weeks of front line service, the 372d suffered 600 casualties. The regiment earned a unit Croix de Guerre with Palm, and in addition, forty-three officers, fourteen noncommissioned officers, and 116 privates received either the Croix de Guerre or the DSC.

On 11 November 1918 at 1100, the armistice between the Allies and Central Powers went into effect. Like all other American soldiers, the African American troops reveled in celebration and took justifiable pride in the great victory they helped achieve. It was not without great cost: the 92d Division suffered 1,647 battle casualties and the 93d Division suffered 3,534. Expecting to come home heroes, black soldiers received a rude awakening upon their return. Back home, many whites feared that African Americans would return demanding equality and would try to attain it by employing their military training. As the troops returned, there was an increase of racial tension. During the summer and fall of 1919, anti-black race riots erupted in twenty-six cities across America. The lynching of blacks also increased from fifty-eight in 1918 to seventy-seven in 1919. At least ten of those victims were war veterans, and some were lynched while in uniform. Despite this treatment, African American men continued to enlist in the military, including veterans of World War I that came home to such violence and ingratitude. They served their county in the brief period of peace after the World War I, and many went on to fight in World War II. It was not until the 1948 that President Harry S Truman issued an executive order to desegregate the military, although it took the Korean War to fully integrate the Army. African Americans finally began to receive the equal treatment their predecessors had earned in combat in France during World War I, and as far back as the American Revolution.

For more reading on African American soldiers in WWI, please see: The Unknown Soldiers: African-American Troops in WWI by Arthur E. Barbeau & Florette Henri, The Right to Fight: A History of African-Americans in the Military, by Gerald Astor and Soldiers of Freedom, by Kai Wright.


The Racist Legacy of Woodrow Wilson

Students at Princeton University are protesting the ways it honors the former president, who once threw a civil-rights leader out of the White House.

The Black Justice League, in protests on Princeton University’s campus, has drawn wider attention to an inconvenient truth about the university’s ultimate star: Woodrow Wilson. The Virginia native was racist, a trait largely overshadowed by his works as Princeton’s president, as New Jersey’s governor, and, most notably, as the 28th president of the United States.

As president, Wilson oversaw unprecedented segregation in federal offices. It’s a shameful side to his legacy that came to a head one fall afternoon in 1914 when he threw the civil-rights leader William Monroe Trotter out of the Oval Office.

Trotter led a delegation of blacks to meet with the president on November 12, 1914, to discuss the surge of segregation in the country. Trotter, today largely forgotten, was a nationally prominent civil-rights leader and newspaper editor. In the early 1900s, he was often mentioned in the same breath as W.E.B. Du Bois and Booker T. Washington. But unlike Washington, Trotter, an 1895 graduate of Harvard, believed in direct protest actions. In fact, Trotter founded his Boston newspaper, The Guardian, as a vehicle to challenge Washington’s more conciliatory approach to civil rights.

Before Trotter’s confrontation with Wilson in the Oval Office, he was a political supporter of Wilson’s. He had pledged black support for Wilson’s presidential run when the two met face-to-face in July 1912 at the State House in Trenton, New Jersey. Even though then-Governor Wilson offered only vague promises about seeking fairness for all Americans, Trotter apparently came away smitten. “The governor had us draw our chairs right up around him, and shook hands with great cordiality,’’ he wrote a friend later. “When we left he gave me a long handclasp, and used such a pleased tone that I was walking on air.” Trotter viewed Wilson as the lesser of other political evils.

The civil-rights leader was soon having second thoughts. In the fall of 1913, he and other civil-rights leaders, including Ida B. Wells, met with Wilson to express dismay over Jim Crow. Trotter’s wife, Deenie, had even drawn a chart showing which federal offices had begun separating workers by race. Wilson sent them off with vague assurances.

In the next year, segregation did not improve it worsened. By this time, numerous instances of workplace separation became well publicized. Among them, separate toilets in the U.S. Treasury and the Interior Department, a practice that Wilson’s Treasury secretary, William G. McAdoo, defended: “I am not going to argue the justification of the separate toilets orders, beyond saying that it is difficult to disregard certain feelings and sentiments of white people in a matter of this sort.”

For blacks—who ever since Lincoln’s War had expected some measure of equity from the federal government—the sense of a betrayal ran deep.

Trotter sought a follow-up meeting with the president. “Last year he told the delegation he would seek a solution,’’ he wrote a supporter in the fall of 1914. “Having waited 11 months, we are entitled to an audience to learn what it is. Not only for the sake of his administration but as a matter of common justice.” Of course, the president’s plate was full.

Wilson might have bumbled, and worse, on civil rights, but he was overseeing implementation of a “New Freedom” in the nation’s economy—his campaign promise to restore competition and fair-labor practices, and to enable small businesses crushed by industrial titans to thrive once again. In September 1914, for example, he had created the Federal Trade Commission to protect consumers against price-fixing and other anticompetitive business practices, and shortly after signed into law the Clayton Antitrust Act. He continued monitoring the so-called European War, resisting pressure to enter but moving to strengthen the nation’s armed forces. In addition to attending to the state’s affairs, Wilson was in mourning: His wife, Ellen, had died on August 6 from liver disease. On November 6, one of his advisers noted in his diary that the president had told him “he was broken in spirit by Mrs. Wilson’s death.”

Eventually, Wilson agreed to meet a second time with Trotter, and on November 12 the persistent editor and a contingent of Trotterites entered the Oval Office for their long-sought, long-awaited follow-up meeting. Trotter came prepared with a statement and launched the meeting by reading it.

Trotter began with a reference to their 1913 meeting and to the petition he had presented, containing 20,000 signatures “from thirty-eight states protesting against the segregation of employees of the national government.” He listed the on-the-job race separation that had gone unchecked since—at eating tables, dressing rooms, restrooms, lockers, and “especially public toilets in government buildings.” He then charged that the color line was drawn in the Treasury Department, in the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, the Navy Department, the Interior Department, the Marine Hospital, the War Department, and in the Sewing and Printing Divisions of the Government Printing Office. Trotter also noted the political support he and other civil-rights activists had provided to Wilson. “Only two years ago you were heralded as perhaps the second Lincoln, and now the Afro-American leaders who supported you are hounded as false leaders and traitors to their race,” he said. And then he reminded the president of his pledge to assist “colored fellow citizens” in “advancing the interest of their race in the United States,” and ended by posing a question that contained a jab at Wilson’s much-ballyhooed economic-reform program. “Have you a ‘New Freedom’ for white Americans and a new slavery for your Afro-American fellow citizens? God forbid!”

The meeting quickly turned sour. The president told Trotter what he previously admitted in private—that he viewed segregation in his federal agencies as a benefit to blacks. Wilson said that his cabinet officers “were seeking, not to put the Negro employees at a disadvantage but . to make arrangements which would prevent any kind of friction between the white employees and the Negro employees.” Trotter found the claim astonishing, and immediately disagreed, calling Jim Crow in federal offices humiliating and degrading to black workers. But Wilson dug in. “My question would be this: If you think that you gentlemen, as an organization, and all other Negro citizens of this country, that you are being humiliated, you will believe it. If you take it as a humiliation, which it is not intended as, and sow the seed of that impression all over the country, why the consequence will be very serious,” he said.

Trotter was incredulous that the president didn’t seem to understand that separating workers based on race “must be a humiliation. It creates in the minds of others that there is something the matter with us—that we are not their equals, that we are not their brothers, that we are so different that we cannot work at a desk beside them, that we cannot eat at a table beside them, that we cannot go into the dressing room where they go, that we cannot use a locker beside them.” There was no letup. In his comments, Trotter had accused the president of lying by saying that race prejudice was the sole motivation for Jim Crow and that to assert otherwise, to claim his administration sought to protect blacks from “friction,” was ridiculous. “We are sorely disappointed that you take the position that the separation itself is not wrong, is not injurious, is not rightly offensive to you,” Trotter said.

Wilson interrupted Trotter: “Your tone, sir, offends me.” To the entire delegation, he said, “I want to say that if this association comes again, it must have another spokesman,” declaring no one had ever come into his office and insulted him as Trotter had. “You have spoiled the whole cause for which you came,” he told o Guardião editor dismissively.

But Trotter would not be dismissed he was not one to find being surrounded by white people, and the trappings of power either alien or intimidating. He had been the only black in his class at Hyde Park High School outside Boston (where, regardless, he had been elected class president) and, at Harvard, outperformed most white classmates, some of whom had since become governors, congressmen, rich, and famous. Instead, he tried to steer the meeting back on track. “I am pleading for simple justice,” he said. “If my tone has seemed so contentious, why my tone has been misunderstood.” He said they needed to work this out, given that he and other African American leaders had supported Wilson’s presidential run at the polls.

But Wilson was angry, stating that bringing up politics and citing black voting power was a form of blackmail. The meeting, which had lasted nearly an hour, was abruptly over. The delegation was shown the door—essentially thrown out. When the incensed Trotter ran into reporters milling around Tumulty’s office, he began letting off steam. “What the President told us was entirely disappointing.”

The story about the dustup between the president and the Guardião editor went viral. o New York Times’s front-page story was headlined, “President Resents Negro’s Criticism” while the front-page headline in the New York Press read: “Wilson Rebukes Negro Who ‘Talks Up’ to Him.” But the larger point was that his tough-talking landed Trotter back on front pages everywhere.

Wilson realized almost instantly his error—unfortunately, not the error of his racism, but the error in public relations. He had “played the fool,’’ he told a cabinet member afterward, by becoming unnerved in the face of what he considered Trotter’s impertinence. “When the Negro delegate (Trotter) threatened me, I was a damn fool enough to lose my temper and point him to the door. What I ought to have done would have been to listened, restrained my resentment, and, when they had finished, to have said to them that, of course, their petition receive consideration. They would then have withdrawn quietly and no more would have been heard about the matter.’’


Activity 1. The 92nd Division

Model for the class the activity they are about to complete. Share the handout "What They Say About the 92nd: Selected Quotes" on pages 1-2 of the Master PDF. The quotes represent examples of statements students may encounter some are quite specific, while others are more general. Spend only enough time on each to help students understand how to approach such material. Discuss:

  • What the quote says.
  • How the content might have been affected by bias.
  • Potential sources of bias.
  • Ways in which the four statements agree with and contradict one another.

Can we come to understand how participants "construct" their own experiences of events? Can we locate sources to support or contradict their perceptions? Can we determine how the 92nd Division performed in combat? Can we understand the factors affecting their performance? Students will explore these issues in small groups.

Divide the class into eight groups. Download, copy, and distribute to students the handout "The 92nd Division" on page 3 of the Master PDF. It provides basic background information on the 92nd Division, listing the units in each division, enabling students to identify by number the regiments, battalions, and batteries composing the 92nd. Students can refer to it as necessary when they are completing the activity below.

Each student group will be assigned one of the following sources to scout for information. By dividing up the research, the class will eventually become familiar with a variety of sources. As any one source could have a particular bias, students will be better able to judge the information and arrive at a conclusion about the 92nd when they share all the information.

  • Four groups can each scrutinize a relevant chapter from Scott’s Official History of The American Negro in the World War on the EDSITEment-reviewed resource Great War Primary Documents Archive. According to African American Odyssey: World War I and Postwar Society, on the EDSITEment-reviewed website American Memory, "Emmett J. Scott worked for eighteen years as the private secretary to Booker T. Washington. He became a Special Assistant to Secretary of War Newton Baker during World War I in order to oversee the recruitment, training, and morale of the African American soldiers. (His) ‘profusely illustrated’ 512-page volume gives a ‘complete and authentic narration … of the participation of American soldiers of the Negro race in the World War for democracy,’ and a ‘full account of the war work organizations of colored men and women.’" His work was published in 1919 and is filled with firsthand accounts.
  • One group can read accounts from eyewitnesses, in full or in part, on the EDSITEment-reviewed website Great War Primary Documents Archive.

If desired, groups can compile a summary of their research and findings based on the questions in the handout "Research Questions: The 92nd Division" on page 4 of the Master PDF.

Student groups should now share their information with the entire class. Allow time after all the information has been shared for students to ask questions of each other. Then, give the groups time to meet again and compose a position statement on what can be learned from the first-hand sources, given their contradictions.

If desired, each group can then share its position statement and the most compelling evidence supporting it. Another option is to proceed with Assessment.


The Tragic And Ignored History Of Black Veterans

On a December morning in 1918, Charles Lewis began his last day as a private in the United States Army. Just a month after the end of World War I, Lewis accepted his honorable discharge and left Camp Sherman, in Chillicothe, Ohio, one of the few military facilities that housed black soldiers. He was headed home to Alabama.

The next day he was dead, killed by a lynch mob in Fulton County, Kentucky.

While Lewis was waiting for the southbound train to leave Fulton, the local deputy sheriff boarded the train car, looking for suspects in a robbery. He approached Lewis, demanding to inspect his baggage. The young soldier, still in uniform, declared that he had just been honorably discharged and had never committed a crime in his life. Lewis even provided documents from his commanding officers at Camp Sherman attesting to his excellent service record. An argument broke out between the two and Lewis was charged with assault and resisting arrest.

His body, still in uniform, was left for all to see.

As Lewis was taken to the county jail in Hickman, Kentucky, news of the altercation spread. A mob of as many as 100 men gathered outside the jail. At midnight, masked men stormed the station, smashed the locks with a sledgehammer, pulled Lewis from his cell, and hanged him. His body, still in uniform, was left for all to see.

Days after his murder, True Democrat, a Louisiana paper, published an editorial entitled, “Nip It in the Bud.”

“The root of the trouble was that the negro thought that being a soldier he was not subject to civil authority,” the editorial read. “The conditions of active warfare and the regulations of army life have probably given these men more exalted ideas of their station in life than really exists and having these ideas they will be guilty of many acts of self-assertion, arrogance and insolence which will not be borne with, in the South at least, and which will be followed by consequences to them, more or less painful.”

Lewis is just one of dozens of African-American veterans who were the targets of racially motivated attacks detailed in “Lynching in America: Targeting Black Veterans,” a report by the Equal Justice Initiative in Alabama. Because a victim&aposs military service was often overlooked by newspapers and officials at the time, the report cites only the lynching of veterans whose military service was verified by EJI, according to Jennifer Taylor, a staff lawyer and one of the report’s authors. The number of veterans killed during this time period is likely much higher.

The latest report is the follow-up to a larger investigation by EJIpublished in 2015 that documented more than 4,000 lynchings — extrajudicial killings that often occurred in public — of African-Americans between 1877 and 1950.

Photo via the Library of Congress

A picket station of black troops near Dutch Gap Canal, in Virginia, November 1864.

The lynching of veterans served a particular purpose: African-Americans who’d served their country with honor posed a threat to the established racial hierarchy that was used to justify Jim Crow-era racism.Their murders were aimed at silencing the powerful voices of dissent against the racist system

The detailed accounts paint a graphic picture of racial violence in America and its insidious impact even on the men who answered their country’s call. It’s a history that was rarely shared publicly, Taylor explained, and so the stories remain mostly unknown.

After the Civil War and the abolition of slavery, the imposition of Jim Crow laws — the system of government-sanctioned segregation and racial bias that existed in the United States until the late 1960s — barred black people from fair access to the political and judicial process in many ways. Between the end of the Civil War and the years after World War II, thousands of black veterans were accosted, assaulted, and attacked. Many were lynched at the hands of mobs and individuals acting under the cover of official authority.

Photo via the National Archives

Soldiers with the New York National Guard’s 369th Infantry Regiment, popularly known as the “Harlem Hellfighters.” The unit was manned entirely by African-American enlisted soldiers with both black and white officers.

During the Red Summer of 1919, which earned its name from the anti-black riots that erupted in major cities across the country, countless black veterans were attacked. In that year alone, at least 10 were lynched.

Robert Truett, an 18-year old-Army veteran, was hanged in Louise, Mississippi, on July 15, 1919, because he allegedly made an “indecent proposal” to a white woman.

On Aug. 31, 1919, in Bogalusa, Louisiana, Lucius McCarty, an African-American Army veteran was accused of attempting to assault a white woman. A mob of 1,500 people gathered, pumped more than 1,000 rounds into his body, and dragged his corpse behind a car through the town’s black neighborhoods, before throwing the remains into a bonfire.

For many African-Americans, the military, though segregated and still infused with racial tension, offered at least the hope of economic and social mobility, but many returned to communities staunchly and, at times, violently opposed to the idea.

“It often breeded an internal and an external conflict and that played out in situations where people were coming home and were protesting various kinds of mistreatment,” Taylor explained.

Even during and after World War II, a global conflict meant to stem the tide of fascism and end mass genocide, some of the same veterans who fought for those ideals in theaters across the world were victimized in the United States, often for exercising the very rights they fought to protect.

Photo via the National Archives

A military policeman in Columbus, Georgia, April 13, 1942.

“That veteran status was kind of an opportunity to get up-close exposure to the hypocrisies that had actually existed in the country,” Taylor explained, pointing out that military service had a tendency to shape and impact the way African-American veterans viewed the racial hierarchies that existed in their own communities. “They had to figure out ‘Is that something I’m going to accept, or is that something I’m going to try to figure out how to continue to fight against?’”

On Feb. 8, 1946, Timothy Hood, an honorably discharged Marine, removed the Jim Crow sign from a trolley in Bessemer, Alabama. He was shot repeatedly by the trolley owner, before being arrested. He died in the back of the police car. Less than a month later, J.C. Farmer, a black veteran, was waiting for a bus in Wilson, North Carolina, on Aug. 17, 1946, when he was ordered into a police officer’s patrol car. When Farmer objected, the officer allegedly struck Farmer in the head. In the ensuing scuffle, the officer’s gun went off, shooting its owner in the hand. Within the hour, a mob had formed and Farmer was dead.

Photo via the National Archives

Sgt. John C. Clark Staff Sgt. Ford M. Shaw clean their rifles in a bivouac area alongside the East-West Trail in Bougainville on April 4, 1944.

In 1943, Maceo Snipes, left his home in Butler, Georgia, to enlist in the Army. Two and a half years later, with an honorable discharge, and $110 to his name, he returned to his family farm in Taylor County. With the war over, cotton, peanuts, and corn became his mission, while farm tools replaced the arms and equipment he carried during his six months in the Pacific theater.

Snipes likely believed that having served his country, he should have the right to vote in it too. On July 17, 1946, he was the only African-American in racially segregated Taylor County to vote in the Democratic primary for governor.

The next day, several white men in a pickup truck came to Snipes’ house and shot him, before driving away unhindered. Two days after making history as the first, and only, African-American in his county to cast a ballot in that election, he died of his wounds.

Fearing more attacks, his family fled, hastily burying his body under cover of darkness. To this day the exact location of his remains is unknown. The killing was listed as self-defense, though the family and historians, have refuted that repeatedly, arguing that it was a lynching.

“You could give so much to your country, and then return to a country that, at that time, gave so little back.”

“You have a person, like Maceo Snipes, who understood the significance of fighting for equal rights and fighting for the rights of all people to enjoy the benefits of this country,” Edward Dubose, a national board member with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, told Task & Purpose. For Dubose, a 21-year Army veteran who worked closely with the family of Snipes on efforts to launch a federal investigation of his death, the killing is particularly telling and deeply personal.

“A man was prepared to sacrifice his life, and for him to come back and be killed for engaging in something so sacred — the right to vote — for me, as a veteran, standing on people’s shoulders like Maceo Snipes, and dealing with my own discrimination in the military, it was just very personal,” Dubose said. “You could give so much to your country, and then return to a country that, at that time, gave so little back.”

Today, on the walls of the Taylor County courthouse in Butler, Georgia, are three plaques honoring World War II veterans from the area. One reads “Whites,” and another — where Snipes&apos name can be found — is labeled “Colored.” On a third, more recent plaque, Snipes’ name appears again, listed among all of his brothers in arms, whatever their skin color.

James Clarkis the Deputy Editor of Task & Purpose and a Marine veteran. He oversees daily editorial operations, edits articles, and supports reporters so they can continue to write the impactful stories that matter to our audience. In terms of writing, James provides a mix of pop culture commentary and in-depth analysis of issues facing the military and veterans community. Contact the author here.


A 'Forgotten History' Of How The U.S. Government Segregated America

Federal housing policies created after the Depression ensured that African-Americans and other people of color were left out of the new suburban communities — and pushed instead into urban housing projects, such as Detroit's Brewster-Douglass towers. Paul Sancya/AP ocultar legenda

Federal housing policies created after the Depression ensured that African-Americans and other people of color were left out of the new suburban communities — and pushed instead into urban housing projects, such as Detroit's Brewster-Douglass towers.

In 1933, faced with a housing shortage, the federal government began a program explicitly designed to increase — and segregate — America's housing stock. Author Richard Rothstein says the housing programs begun under the New Deal were tantamount to a "state-sponsored system of segregation."

Historian Says Don't 'Sanitize' How Our Government Created Ghettos

The government's efforts were "primarily designed to provide housing to white, middle-class, lower-middle-class families," he says. African-Americans and other people of color were left out of the new suburban communities — and pushed instead into urban housing projects.

Rothstein's new book, The Color of Law, examines the local, state and federal housing policies that mandated segregation. He notes that t he Federal Housing Administration, which was established in 1934, furthered the segregation efforts by refusing to insure mortgages in and near African-American neighborhoods — a policy known as "redlining." At the same time, the FHA was subsidizing builders who were mass-producing entire subdivisions for whites — with the requirement that none of the homes be sold to African-Americans.

Code Switch

Everyone Pays A Hefty Price For Segregation, Study Says

Rothstein says these decades-old housing policies have had a lasting effect on American society. "The segregation of our metropolitan areas today leads . to stagnant inequality, because families are much less able to be upwardly mobile when they're living in segregated neighborhoods where opportunity is absent," he says. "If we want greater equality in this society, if we want a lowering of the hostility between police and young African-American men, we need to take steps to desegregate."

Interview Highlights

On how the Federal Housing Administration justified discrimination

A Forgotten History of How Our Government Segregated America

Buy Featured Book

Your purchase helps support NPR programming. How?

The Federal Housing Administration's justification was that if African-Americans bought homes in these suburbs, or even if they bought homes near these suburbs, the property values of the homes they were insuring, the white homes they were insuring, would decline. And therefore their loans would be at risk.

There was no basis for this claim on the part of the Federal Housing Administration. In fact, when African-Americans tried to buy homes in all-white neighborhoods or in mostly white neighborhoods, property values rose because African-Americans were more willing to pay more for properties than whites were, simply because their housing supply was so restricted and they had so many fewer choices. So the rationale that the Federal Housing Administration used was never based on any kind of study. It was never based on any reality.

On how federal agencies used redlining to segregate African-Americans

The term "redlining" . comes from the development by the New Deal, by the federal government of maps of every metropolitan area in the country. And those maps were color-coded by first the Home Owners Loan Corp. and then the Federal Housing Administration and then adopted by the Veterans Administration, and these color codes were designed to indicate where it was safe to insure mortgages. And anywhere where African-Americans lived, anywhere where African-Americans lived nearby were colored red to indicate to appraisers that these neighborhoods were too risky to insure mortgages.

On the FHA manual that explicitly laid out segregationist policies

The Two-Way

Interactive Redlining Map Zooms In On America's History Of Discrimination

It was in something called the Underwriting Manual of the Federal Housing Administration, which said that "incompatible racial groups should not be permitted to live in the same communities." Meaning that loans to African-Americans could not be insured.

In one development . in Detroit . the FHA would not go ahead, during World War II, with this development unless the developer built a 6-foot-high wall, cement wall, separating his development from a nearby African-American neighborhood to make sure that no African-Americans could even walk into that neighborhood.

o Underwriting Manual of the Federal Housing Administration recommended that highways be a good way to separate African-American from white neighborhoods. So this was not a matter of law, it was a matter of government regulation, but it also wasn't hidden, so it can't be claimed that this was some kind of "de facto" situation. Regulations that are written in law and published . in the Underwriting Manual are as much a de jure unconstitutional expression of government policy as something written in law.

On the long-term effects of African-Americans being prohibited from buying homes in suburbs and building equity

Today African-American incomes on average are about 60 percent of average white incomes. But African-American wealth is about 5 percent of white wealth. Most middle-class families in this country gain their wealth from the equity they have in their homes. So this enormous difference between a 60 percent income ratio and a 5 percent wealth ratio is almost entirely attributable to federal housing policy implemented through the 20th century.

African-American families that were prohibited from buying homes in the suburbs in the 1940s and '50s and even into the '60s, by the Federal Housing Administration, gained none of the equity appreciation that whites gained. So . the Daly City development south of San Francisco or Levittown or any of the others in between across the country, those homes in the late 1940s and 1950s sold for about twice national median income. They were affordable to working-class families with an FHA or VA mortgage. African-Americans were equally able to afford those homes as whites but were prohibited from buying them. Today those homes sell for $300,000 [or] $400,000 at the minimum, six, eight times national median income. .

So in 1968 we passed the Fair Housing Act that said, in effect, "OK, African-Americans, you're now free to buy homes in Daly City or Levittown" . but it's an empty promise because those homes are no longer affordable to the families that could've afforded them when whites were buying into those suburbs and gaining the equity and the wealth that followed from that.

NPR Ed

How The Systemic Segregation Of Schools Is Maintained By 'Individual Choices'

The white families sent their children to college with their home equities they were able to take care of their parents in old age and not depend on their children. They're able to bequeath wealth to their children. None of those advantages accrued to African-Americans, who for the most part were prohibited from buying homes in those suburbs.

On how housing projects went from being for white middle- and lower-middle-class families to being predominantly black and poor

Public housing began in this country for civilians during the New Deal and it was an attempt to address a housing shortage it wasn't a welfare program for poor people. During the Depression, no housing construction was going on. Middle-class families, working-class families were losing their homes during the Depression when they became unemployed and so there were many unemployed middle-class, working-class white families and this was the constituency that the federal government was most interested in. And so the federal government began a program of building public housing for whites only in cities across the country. The liberal instinct of some Roosevelt administration officials led them to build some projects for African-Americans as well, but they were always separate projects they were not integrated. .

The white projects had large numbers of vacancies black projects had long waiting lists. Eventually it became so conspicuous that the public housing authorities in the federal government opened up the white-designated projects to African-Americans, and they filled with African-Americans. At the same time, industry was leaving the cities, African-Americans were becoming poorer in those areas, the projects became projects for poor people, not for working-class people. They became subsidized, they hadn't been subsidized before. . And so they became vertical slums that we came to associate with public housing. .

The vacancies in the white projects were created primarily by the Federal Housing Administration program to suburbanize America, and the Federal Housing Administration subsidized mass production builders to create subdivisions that were "white-only" and they subsidized the families who were living in the white housing projects as well as whites who were living elsewhere in the central city to move out of the central cities and into these white-only suburbs. So it was the Federal Housing Administration that depopulated public housing of white families, while the public housing authorities were charged with the responsibility of housing African-Americans who were increasingly too poor to pay the full cost of their rent.

Radio producers Sam Briger and Thea Chaloner and Web producers Bridget Bentz and Molly Seavy-Nesper contributed to this story.


Primeira Guerra Mundial

This feature commemorates the outbreak of the First World War. This major historical event became known as The Great War. The main belligerent European countries involved in the War were imperial powers with large colonial territories in Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. The First World War was the first war fought along modern industrial lines. What marked its difference from previous wars, in Europe, is the scale and brutality of casualties inflicted on both sides. Between July 1914, when the war began, and November 1918, when it was concluded, nine million soldiers were killed and twenty-one million wounded.

It was a war in which the technology of the industrial revolution was harnessed to the demands of the battlefield. The development of railways and steamships meant that large armies could be transported over long distance within days. Scientific advances in the chemical industry and the development of electricity rendered war firepower far more deadly than before, resulting in casualties on a scale never experienced before. The First World War also saw the introduction of the use of aircraft which made possible mass bombardments of civilians. This was the first time chemical weapons were introduced onto the battlefield. The War resulted in one of the first genocides of the twentieth century.

The social and political consequences of the War were far reaching. When the War began most of the world’s governments were ruled by imperial monarchies such as Tsarist Russia, Imperial Germany and the Austria-Hungarian Empire. By the end of the War, revolutions in Germany, Austria and Russia ended the era of absolutist monarchy as workers and soldiers rebelled against the suffering and deprivation imposed by the War.

The First World War had a huge impact on the position of women in society. In many countries the entire adult male population was involved in fighting. This created a huge shortage of labour which meant that the output from different sectors of the economy was not at its maximum capacity. The production of armaments and equipment needed by soldiers took priority over normal industrial production. Women stepped into the gap left by men in the spheres of transport, industry, policing and most war industries. They operated the munitions factories responsible for feeding the war machine. Women became a visible public presence, not just as wives and mothers, but as economic and social actors in their own right. Many also volunteered for medical service at the front. Before the war women worked primarily in domestic service, the textile industry and teaching. Traditionally, these were regarded as female occupations. With men gone to war, women filled their positions in engineering, shipbuilding, farming and commerce. An important consequence of the War was the granting of the vote to women. Before the war the Suffragette Movement in Great Britain had been waging a militant campaign in support of granting the vote to women. In June 1917, the House of Commons approved the women’s suffrage clause by adopting the Representation of the People’s Bill.

Edgar, Robert R. and Sapire, Hilary (1999). African Apocalypse: The Story of Nontetha Nkwenkwe, a Twentieth-Century South African Prophet. Athens, Ohio and Johannesburg: Ohio University Press).|Grundlingh, Albert, (1982). ‘Black men in a white man's war: the impact of the First World War on South African blacks’. African Studies Seminar Paper, African Studies Institute, University of the Witwatersrand.|Grundlingh, Albert (1987).Fighting Their Own War: South African Blacks and the First World War. Johannesburg: Ravan Press.|SA Railways and Harbour Magazine, December 1918|Phillips, Howard (1988). ‘South Africa's Worst Demographic Disaster: The Spanish Influenza Epidemic of 1918’ in South African Historical Journal, (20), 1988.|Phillips, Howard (1987). ‘The local state and public health reform in South Africa: Bloemfontein and the consequences of the Spanish ‘flu epidemic of 1918’ in Journal of Southern African Studies, Vol 13, No. 2, pp. 210-233.|Phillips, Howard91987).‘Why Did It Happen? Religious and Lay Explanations of the Spanish Flu Epidemic of 1918 in South Africa’ in Vol 12 (1987), pp. 72-92.| Mantzaris, Evangelos A. "The Indian Tobacco Workers Strike of 1920: A Socio-Historical Investigation." Journal of Natal and Zulu History 6.1 (1983).|Mantzaris, Evangelos A (1995) Labour Struggles in South Africa: The Forgotten Pages 1903-1921. Collective Resources.|Mantzaris, Evangelos Anastasios (1984). ‘Radical Community: The Yiddish Speaking Branch of the International Socialist League (ISL), 1918-1920. University of the Witwatersrand, History Workshop, 1984.|Maylam, P. ‘The Struggle for Space in Twentieth Century Durban’, pp 3-10. In Maylam and Edwards,The People’s City. (Pietermaritzburg, 1996)|O'Meara, Dan (1977). ‘The Afrikaner Broederbond 1927”“1948: Class Vanguard of Afrikaner Nationalism in Journal of Southern African Studies Vol 3, No.2 (1977), pp.156-186.|O’Meara Dan (1983).Volkskapitalisme: Class, Capital and ideology in the Development of Afrikaner Nationalism 1934 -1948. Johannesburg: Ravan Press.


Assista o vídeo: Primeira Guerra Mundial - Nostalgia História (Janeiro 2022).